And now pardon me, if I call attention to the way in which this discrimination has been characterized by the most eminent persons familiar with it. I begin with the words of an estimable character known in religion and also in poetry,—Bishop Heber, of Calcutta, who pictured Caste in these forcible terms:—
“A system which tends, more than anything else the Devil has yet invented, to destroy the feelings of general benevolence, and to make nine-tenths of mankind the hopeless slaves of the remainder.”[231]
Then comes the testimony of Rev. Mr. Rhenius, a zealous and successful missionary in the East:—
“I have found Caste, both in theory and practice, to be diametrically opposed to the Gospel, which inculcates love, humility, and union; whereas Caste teaches the contrary. It is a fact, in those entire congregations where Caste is allowed, the spirit of the Gospel does not enter; whereas in those from which it is excluded we see the fruits of the Gospel spirit.”
Mr. Carpenter. Will the Senator allow me to interrupt him to ask whether these commentaries are read for the purpose of construing the Constitution of the United States? That is the only point of difference between us.
Mr. Sumner. The Senator will learn before I am through. I shall apply them.
After quoting other authorities, Mr. Sumner proceeded:—
These witnesses are strong and unimpeachable. In Caste, Government is nurturing a tremendous evil,—a noxious plant, by the side of which the Graces cannot flourish,—part and parcel of Idolatry,—a system which, more than anything else the Devil has yet invented, tends to destroy the feelings of general benevolence. Such is Caste,—odious, impious, accursed, wherever it shows itself.
Now, Sir, I am ready to answer the inquiry of the Senator, whether I read these as an interpretation of the Constitution of the United States. Not precisely; but I do read them to exhibit the outrage which seems to find a vindicator in the Senator from Wisconsin,—in this respect, at least, that he can look at the National Constitution, interpreted by the National Declaration, proclaiming the Equal Rights of All, and find no word empowering Congress to provide that in churches organized by law this hideous outrage shall cease. I think I do no injustice to the Senator. He finds no power. He tells us that if we exercise this power we shall have an Established Church, and he invokes the National Constitution. Sir, I, too, invoke the National Constitution,—not in one solitary provision, as the Senator does, but from its Preamble to its last Amendment,—and I invoke the Declaration of Independence. The Senator may smile. I know how he treats that great charter. I know how in other days he has treated it. But, Sir, the Declaration survives. It has been trifled with, derided, insulted often on this floor, but it is more triumphant now than ever. Its primal truths, announced as self-evident, are more commanding and more beaming now than when first uttered. They are like the sun in the heavens, with light and warmth.
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