Sir, I plead for the colored race, who unhappily have no representative on this floor. I ask the Senate to set its face against the spirit of Caste now prevailing in the common schools, against the injustice now installed in the jury. I insist that the Senate shall not lose this great opportunity. You recognize the commanding principle of the bill. Why not, then, apply it throughout, so that hereafter there shall be no question? For, Sir, be well assured, there is but one way of settling this great cause, and that is by conceding these equal rights. So long as they are denied you will have the colored people justly complaining and knocking at your doors,—and may I say, so long as I remain in this Chamber you will have me perpetually demanding their rights. I cannot, I will not cease. I ask, Sir, that this terrible strife be brought to an end, and the cause settled forever. Now is the time. But this cannot be, except by the establishment of equal rights absolutely and completely wherever the law can reach.
Sir, early in life I vowed myself to nothing less than the idea of making the principles and promises of the Declaration of Independence a living reality. This was my aspiration. For that I have labored. And now at this moment, as its fulfilment seems within reach, I appeal to my fellow-Senators that there shall be no failure on their part. Make, I entreat you, the Declaration of Independence in its principles and promises a living letter; make it a practical reality.
One word more. You are about to decree the removal of disabilities from those who have been in rebellion. Why will you not, with better justice, decree a similar removal of disabilities from those who have never injured you? Why will you not accord to the colored race the same amnesty you offer to former Rebels? Sir, you cannot go before the country with this unequal measure. Therefore, Sir, do I insist that Amnesty shall not become a law, unless at the same time the Equal Rights of All are secured. In debate this winter I have often said this, and I repeat it now with all the earnestness of my nature. Would I were stronger, that I might impress it upon the Senate!
A motion by Mr. Sumner to append his bill was rejected,—Yeas 13, Nays 27,—and the question returned on the Amnesty Bill.
Mr. Sumner then declared his purpose to vote against the Amnesty Bill:—
Mr. President, I long to vote for amnesty; I have always hoped to vote for it; but, Sir, I should be unworthy of my seat as a Senator if I voted for it while the colored race are shut out from their rights, and the ban of color is recognized in this Chamber. Sir, the time has not come for amnesty. How often must I repeat, “Be just to the colored race before you are generous to former rebels”? Unwillingly I press this truth; but it belongs to the moment. I utter it with regret; for I long to record my name in behalf of amnesty. And now let it not go forth that I am against amnesty. I here declare from my seat that I am for amnesty, provided it can be associated with the equal rights of the colored race; but if not so associated, then, so help me God, I am against it.
The Amnesty Bill was then passed, with only two dissenting votes,—Mr. Sumner, and Mr. Nye, of Nevada.
Mr. Sumner then made an ineffectual effort to obtain a reconsideration of the votes just taken, so that on another day, in a full Senate, he could be heard. Here he said:—
Mr. President, I had supposed that there was an understanding among the friends of civil rights that the bill for their security should be kept on a complete equality with that for amnesty,—which could be only by awaiting a bill from the House securing civil rights, precisely as we have a bill from the House securing amnesty. The two measures are not on an equality, when the Senate takes up a House bill for amnesty and takes up simply a Senate bill for civil rights. I will not characterize the transaction; but to me it is painful, for it involves the sacrifice of the equal rights of the colored race,—as is plain, very plain. All this winter I have stood guard here, making an earnest though unsuccessful effort to secure those rights, insisting always that they should be recognized side by side with the rights of former Rebels. Many Senators agreed with me; but now, at the last moment, comes the sacrifice. The Amnesty Bill, which has already prevailed in the House, passes, and only awaits the signature of the President; while an imperfect Civil Rights Bill, shorn of its best proportions, which has never passed the House, is taken up and rushed through the Senate. Who can tell its chances in the other House? Such, Sir, is the indifference with which the Senate treats the rights of an oppressed people!