And yet, could my friend prevail, he would train up a child in the way he should not go; but he would not, I know, encourage him in this prejudice. The Report proceeds:—
“Objection to the step here recommended has been made on the ground of expediency. Every advanced step in the same direction has been opposed on the same superficial allegation.
“The right of the colored man to ride in the railway cars, to cast the ballot, to sit on the jury, to hold office, and even to bear arms in defence of his country, has encountered the same objection. We are confident that it will prove of no greater weight in the present case than it has in the others. There is no argument for equality at the ballot-box, in the cars, on the jury, in holding office and bearing arms, which is not equally applicable in the present case. We may go further, and insist that equality in the other cases requires equality here; otherwise the whole system is incomplete and inharmonious.”[6]
Now my friend, the Chairman, would make the system incomplete and inharmonious. He would continue here at the base that discord which he would be one of the last to recognize in the higher stages. The Report proceeds:—
“It is worthy of note in this connection, that some of the most distinguished men in literary, social, and political circles in this section of the country have recently, in setting forth their claims to be considered the best and truest friends of the people of color, taken pains to inform the public that they were reared with colored children, played with them in the sports of childhood, and were even suckled by colored nurses in infancy; hence, that no prejudice against color exists on their part. If this be so, then with what show of consistency or reason can they object to the children of both classes sitting side by side in school?
“That the custom of separation on account of color must disappear from our public schools, as it has from our halls of justice and of legislation, we regard as but a question of time. Whether this unjust, unreasonable, and unchristian discrimination against our children shall continue at the capital of this great Republic is for the wisdom of Congress to determine.
“We deem it proper to add, that a bill now before the honorable Senate, entitled ‘A bill to secure equal rights in the public schools of Washington and Georgetown,’ (Senate, No. 361, Forty-First Congress, Second Session,) reported to that body May 6, 1870, by Mr. Senator Sumner, meets our approbation. It is plain and simple, and prescribes the true rule of equality for our schools. This bill is in the nature of a ‘corner-stone.’”[7]
This Report, so honorable to these Trustees, showing that they have a true appreciation of principle, also of what they owe to themselves and their race, and I trust also a true appreciation of what they may justly expect from Congress, concludes as follows:—
“In conclusion, the Trustees suggest that those equal educational advantages to which all children are entitled, in accordance with the great principle of Equality before the Law, can be obtained only through the common school, where all children meet together in the enjoyment of the same opportunities, the same improvements, and the same instructions. Whatever then is done for white children will be shared by their colored brethren, and all shall enjoy the same care and supervision.”[8]