* The Jacobins were at this time headed by Billaud Varenne, Collot, Thuriot, &c.—veterans, who were not likely to be deceived by temporizing.
Supported by all the force of government, and intrinſically formidable by their union, the Clubs had long exiſted in defiance of public reprobation, and for ſome time they had braved not only the people, but the government itſelf. The inſtant they were diſabled from correſponding and communicating in that privileged ſort of way which rendered them ſo conſpicuous, they felt their weakneſs; and their deſultory and unconnected efforts to regain their influence only ſerved to complete itſ annihilation. While they pretended obedience to the regulations to which the Convention had ſubjected them, they intrigued to promote a revolt, and were ſtrenuouſly exerting themſelves to gain partizans among the idle and diſſolute, who, having ſubſiſted for months as members of revolutionary committees, and in other revolutionary offices, were naturally averſe from a more moderate government. The numbers of theſe were far from inconſiderable: and, when it is recollected that thiſ deſcription of people only had been allowed to retain their arms, while all who had any thing to defend were deprived of them, we cannot wonder if the Jacobins entertained hopes of ſucceſs.
The Convention, aware of theſe attempts, now employed againſt its ancient accomplices the ſame arts that had proved ſo fatal to all thoſe whom it had conſidered as its enemies. A correſpondence was "opportunely" intercepted between the Jacobins and the Emigrants in Switzerland, while emiſſaries inſinuated themſelves into the Clubs, for the purpoſe of exciting deſperate motions; or, diſperſed in public places, contrived, by aſſuming the Jacobin coſtume, to throw on the faction the odium of thoſe ſeditious exclamations which they were employed to vociferate.
There is little doubt that the deſigns of the Jacobins were nearly ſuch as have been imputed to them. They had, however, become more politic than to act thus openly, without being prepared to repel their enemies, or to ſupport their friends; and there is every appearance that the Swiſſ plots, and the inſurrections of the Palais Egalite, were the devices of the government, to give a pretext for ſhutting up the Club altogether, and to avert the real dangers with which it was menaced, by ſpreading an alarm of fictitious ones. A few idle people aſſembled (probably on purpoſe) about the Palais Egalite, and the place where the Jacobins held their meetings, and the exclamation of "Down with the Convention!" ſerved as the ſignal for hoſtilities. The ariſtocrats joined the partizans of the Convention, the Jacobins were attacked in their hall, and an affray enſued, in which ſeveral perſons on each ſide were wounded. Both partieſ accuſed each other of being the aggreſſor, and a report of the buſineſſ was made to the Aſſembly; but the Aſſembly had already decided—and, on the ninth of November, while the Jacobins were endeavouring to raiſe the ſtorm by a recapitulation of the rights of man, a decree was paſſed, prohibiting their debates, and ordering the national ſeal to be put on their doors and papers. The ſociety were not in force to make reſiſtance, and the decree was carried into execution as quietly aſ though it had been levelled againſt the hotel of ſome devoted ariſtocrat.
When the news of this event reached the departments, it occaſioned an univerſal rejoicing—not ſuch a rejoicing as is ordered for the ſucceſſeſ of the French arms, (which always ſeems to be a matter of great indifference,) but a chearfulneſs of heart and of countenance; and many perſons whom I do not remember to have ever ſeen in the leaſt degree moved by political events, appeared ſincerely delighted at thiſ—
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"And thoſe ſmile now, who never ſmil'd before, "And thoſe who always ſmil'd, now ſmile the more." Parnell's Claudian. |
The armies might proceed to Vienna, pillage the Eſcurial, or ſubjugate all Europe, and I am convinced no emotion of pleaſure would be excited equal to that manifeſted at the downfall of the Jacobins of Paris.
Since this diſgrace of the parent ſociety, the Clubs in the departmentſ have, for the moſt part, diſſolved themſelves, or dwindled into peaceable aſſemblies to hear the news read, and applaud the convention.—The few Jacobin emblems which were yet remaining have totally diſappeared, and no veſtige of Jacobiniſm is left, but the graves of its victims, and the deſolation of the country.
The profligate, the turbulent, the idle, and needy, of various countrieſ in Europe, have been tempted by the ſucceſſes of the French Jacobins to endeavour to eſtabliſh ſimilar inſtitutions; but the ſame ſucceſſes have operated as a warning to people of a different deſcription, and the fall of theſe ſocieties has drawn two confeſſions from their original partizans, which ought never to be forgotten—namely, that they were formed for the purpoſe of ſubverting the monarchy, and that their exiſtence is incompatible with regular government of any kind.—"While the monarchy ſtill exiſted, (ſays the moſt philoſophic Lequinio, with whoſe ſcheme of reforming La Vendee you are already acquainted,) it waſ politic and neceſſary to encourage popular ſocieties, as the moſt efficacious means of operating its deſtruction; but now we have effected a revolution, and have only to conſolidate it by mild and philoſophic laws, theſe ſocieties are dangerous, becauſe they can produce only confuſion and diſorder."—This is alſo the language of Briſſot, who admires the Jacobins from their origin till the end of 1792, but after that period he admits they were only the inſtruments of faction, and deſtructive of all property and order.*
* The period of the Jacobin annals ſo much admired by Briſſot, compriſes the dethronement of the King, the maſſacres of the priſons, the baniſhment of the prieſts, &c. That which he reprobates begins preciſely at the period when the Jacobins diſputed the claims of himſelf and his party to the excluſive direction of the government.—See Briſſot's Addreſs to his Conſtituents.