"A conviction that we in reality derive our ſcanty ſupplies from exertions which would not be made, were they not neceſſary to reſtrain the popular ill humour, added to an habitual apprehenſion of the Clubs,* aſſiſted this manoeuvre; and a few of the ſections were, in conſequence, prevailed on to addreſs our Repreſentatives, and to requeſt they would remain at their poſt.—
* Paris had been long almoſt entirely dependent on the government for ſubſiſtence, ſo that an inſurrection could always be procured by withholding the uſual ſupply. The departments were pillaged by requiſitions, and enormous ſums ſent to the neutral countries to purchaſe proviſions, that the capital might be maintained in dependence and good humour. The proviſions obtained by theſe meanſ were diſtributed to the ſhopkeepers, who had inſtructions to retail them to the idle and diſorderly, at about a twentieth part of the original coſt, and no one could profit by this regulation, without firſt receiving a ticket from the Committee of his ſection. It was lately aſſerted in the Convention, and not diſavowed, that if the government perſiſted in this ſort of traffic, the annual loſſ attending the article of corn alone would amount to fifty millionſ ſterling. The reduction of the ſum in queſtion into Engliſh money is made on a preſumption that the French government did not mean (were it to be avoided) to commit an act of bankruptcy, and redeem their paper at leſs than par. Reckoning, however, at the real value of aſſignats when the calculation was made, and they were then worth perhaps a fifth of their nominal value, the government was actually at the expence of ten millions ſterling a year, for ſupplying Pariſ with a very ſcanty portion of bread! The ſum muſt appear enormous, but the peculation under ſuch a government muſt be incalculable; and when it is recollected that all neutral ſhips bringing cargoes for the republic muſt have been inſured at an immenſe premium, or perhaps eventually purchaſed by the French, and that very few could reach their deſtination, we may conclude that ſuch as did arrive coſt an immoderate ſum.
—"The inſurrection that immediately ſucceeded was at firſt the effect of a ſimilar ſcheme, and it ended in a party contention, in which the people, as uſual, were neuter.
"The examination into the conduct of Barrere, Collot, &c. had been delayed until it ſeemed rather a meaſure deſtined to protect than to bring them to puniſhment; and the impatience which was every where expreſſed on the ſubject, ſufficiently indicated the neceſſity, or at leaſt the prudence, of haſtening their trial. Such a proceſs could not be ventured on but at the riſk of involving the whole Convention in a labyrinth of crimes, inconſiſtencies, and ridicule, and the delinquentſ already began to exonerate themſelves by appealing to the vote of ſolemn approbation paſſed in their favour three months after the death of Robeſpierre had reſtored the Aſſembly to entire freedom.
"The only means of extrication from this dilemma, appeared to be that of finding ſome pretext to ſatiſfy the public vengeance, without hazarding the ſcandal of a judicial expoſure. Such a pretext it was not difficult to give riſe to: a diminiſhed portion of bread never fails to produce tumultuous aſſemblages, that are eaſily directed, though not eaſily ſuppreſſed; and crouds of this deſcription, agitated by real miſery, were excited (as we have every reaſon to ſuppoſe) by hired emiſſaries to aſſail the Convention with diſorderly clamours for bread. This being attributed to the friends of the culprits, decrees were opportunely introduced and paſſed for tranſporting them untried out of the republic, and for arreſting moſt of the principal Jacobin members as their partizans.
"The ſubſequent diſturbances were leſs artificial; for the Jacobins, thuſ rendered deſperate, attempted reſiſtance; but, as they were unſucceſſful, their efforts only ſerved their adverſaries as an excuſe for arreſting ſeveral of the party who had eſcaped the former decrees.
"Nothing, I aſſure you, can with leſs truth be denominated popular movements, than many of theſe ſcenes, which have, notwithſtanding, powerfully influenced the fate of our country. A revolt, or inſurrection, is often only an affair of intrigue and arrangement; and the deſultory violences of the ſuburbs of St. Antoine, or of the market women, are regulated by the ſame Committee and cabals that direct our campaigns and treaties. The common diſtreſſes of the people are continually drawing them together; and, when thus collected, their credulity renders them the ready inſtruments of any prevailing faction.
"Our recent diſorders afforded a ſtriking proof of this. I was myſelf the Cicerone of a country friend on the day the Convention was firſt aſſailed. The numbers who crouded into the hall were at firſt conſiderable, yet they exhibited no ſigns of hoſtility, and it waſ evident they were brought there for ſome purpoſe of which they were themſelves ignorant. When aſked their intentions, they vociferated 'Du pain! Du pain!'—Bread, Bread; and, after occupying the ſeats of the Deputies for a ſhort time, quietly withdrew.
"That this inſurrection was originally factitious, and deviſed for the purpoſe I have mentioned, is farther corroborated by the ſudden appearance of Pichegru and other officers, who ſeemed brought expreſſly to protect the departure of the obnoxious trio, in caſe it ſhould be oppoſed either by their friends or enemies. It is likewiſe to be remarked, that Barrere and the reſt were ſtopped at the gates of Paris by the ſame mob who were alledged to have riſen in their favour, and who, inſtead of endeavouring to reſcue them, brought them back to the Committee of General Safety, on a ſuppoſition that they had eſcaped from priſon.—The members of the moderate party, who were detained in ſome of the ſections, ſuſtained no ill treatment whatever, and were releaſed on being claimed by their colleagues, which could ſcarcely have happened, had the mob been under the direction of the Jacobins, or excited by them.—In ſhort, the whole buſineſs proved that the populace were mere agents, guided by no impulſe of their own, except hunger, and who, when left to themſelves, rather impeded than promoted the deſigns of both factions.
"You muſt have been ſurprized to ſee among the liſt of members arreſted, the name of Laurent Lecointre; but he could never be pardoned for having reduced the Convention to the embarraſſing neceſſity of proſecuting Robeſpierre's aſſociates, and he is now ſecured, leſt his reſtleſſ Quixotiſm ſhould remind the public, that the pretended puniſhment of theſe criminals is in fact only a ſcandalous impunity.