The salon and English letters

by Chauncey Brewster Tinker

It is the privilege of few men in any age to raise an art to such perfection that it becomes in effect a new thing. The development of intimate biography is still largely the work of one man. After a hundred years of memorabilia, personal reminiscences, and interviews, Boswell is still as indubitably the greatest of biographers as when he referred to his book as the ‘first in the world,’ or when, fifty years later, Macaulay applied to him the language of the race-course, and pronounced, ‘Eclipse is first, and the rest nowhere.’ Later biographers do not eclipse him, nor do earlier ones explain him. A comparison of his work with what went before serves only to reveal his utter uniqueness. If an earlier biographer suggests a point of comparison in his realistic record of conversation, the slightness of his work gives no conception of the whole life he is writing; if another seems like Boswell in refusing to write a mere eulogy, he seems chill and judicial where Boswell is warm with pulsing life. Other lives give us admirable things: table-talk, a portrait, a eulogy, a handful of anecdotes, a list of dates from ‘pedigree to funeral,’ or a volume of letters; but Boswell gives us all these and more. He aspires to be as complete as life itself. Boswell knew and delighted in other biographies; but was hardly influenced by them. He knew Plutarch, Xenophon, and Valerius Maximus, among the ancients, and Jonson’s Timber, Selden’s Table-Talk, and Spence’s Anecdotes, among modern ana; but is like none of these. He surpasses them all in intimacy, variety, and what, for want of a better name, may be called his sustained quality. To read Boswell after these men is like passing to a Flemish painting from a study in black and white.

Boswell the Journalist
From a series of caricatures of the Journal by Rowlandson and Collings

In so far as he can be said to have learned his art from any man, his master was Johnson himself. The first sentence in the Life proclaims Johnson’s superiority to all men in writing the lives of others. Biography was often discussed by the two men together, and Boswell was also well acquainted with Johnson’s published remarks on the subject. Johnson enunciated, with fair consistency, the theory of intimate biography, but he never fully realized it in any work of his. Thus he was wont to assert that autobiography was superior to biography, for the simple reason that a man might more readily reveal the facts concerning himself. If a man’s life is to be written by another than himself, it should be by one who has ‘eat and drunk and lived in social intercourse with him.’ The material of biography, he asserts, at various times, to be ‘trifles,’ the ‘delicate features of the mind,’ the ‘minute peculiarities of conduct,’ ‘domestic privacies,’ and ‘the minute details of daily life.’ He approved of much anecdote in biography, used such incidents with a free hand in his own work, and encouraged Boswell to record them. He did not, however, anywhere fully embody his theories. It was, in truth, impossible for him to do so in the Lives of the Poets, for, with the exception of Savage, he had been on terms of real intimacy with none of these men. Had he written the life of Goldsmith, as he once thought of doing, he might, if his indolence had not prevented him, have produced such a book as would illustrate his own theories. Yet, in spite of this lack of intimacy in the Lives of the Poets, he was attacked for making them too familiar. Potter, Mrs. Montagu’s protégé, denounced his introduction of trifles into serious biography, considering it beneath the dignity of that art to mention that Pope wore three pairs of stockings to increase the size of his legs, and that he loved to feast on potted lampreys which he heated in a silver saucepan. ‘We know,’ writes the critic, ‘that the greatest men are subject to the infirmities of human nature equally with the meanest; why then are these infirmities recorded?’

This sentence may be taken to summarize the general conception of biography before Boswell. The death of a man seems to have been regarded as an opportunity for rationalizing his views and perfecting his character. The duty of a biographer was to forget all vices and to idealize all virtues, with the laudable purpose of setting before the public a notable pattern of conduct. ‘He that writes the life of another,’ wrote Johnson in the Idler, ‘endeavours to hide the man that he may produce a hero.’ Even Johnson never felt quite sure how far it was proper to describe a man’s vices in writing his biography. Boswell notes the inconsistency of his views. When the subject of the poet Parnell’s drinking arose, Johnson remarked, ‘More ill may be done by the example, than good by telling the whole truth’; but at another time he said, ‘If a man is to write A Panegyric, he may keep vices out of sight; but if he professes to write A Life, he must represent it really as it was.... It would produce an instructive caution to avoid drinking, when it was seen that even the learning and genius of Parnell could be debased by it.’[435] In practice it is clear that Johnson preferred to err on the side of frankness. Potter was shocked because he revealed the avidity of Addison by repeating the now-hackneyed story of how Steele was forced to pay a debt of £100. If biography is regarded as the handmaid of morality, and eulogy is preferred to actuality, such details are of course worse than useless. Beattie dwells on ‘the due distinction between what deserves to be known and what ought to be forgotten.’[436] Miss Burney considered that the publication of letters verbatim was the ‘greatest injury’ to a man’s memory. Horace Walpole, who deplored the whole policy of expurgation, nevertheless gives Mason, the biographer of Gray, the conventional advice. He avows that the publication of the life of Gray is an opportunity to establish that poet’s character ‘unimpeached.’ He was shocked at the section of the biography which Mason had submitted to his criticism, because it was honest and frank. ‘What can provoke you to be so imprudent?... You know my idea was that your work should consecrate his name.’[437] Once such a theory of consecration is adopted, the author of a life is driven relentlessly towards panegyric; for, not daring to trust the public to interpret facts, he must suppress everything that is not admirable, lest the mention of even the slightest fault be taken to point to the existence of thousands that are passed over in silence. When once you have taken to varnishing, you must varnish thoroughly, for any cracks or bare spots which reveal the material beneath ruin your whole effect.

To a public with these lofty notions of propriety Boswell, genially sacrificing what little was left to him of his reputation, addressed, in 1785, his Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides with Samuel Johnson ... ‘containing ... A series of his Conversation, Literary Anecdotes and Opinions of Men and Books.’ It was a jumble of gossip such as readers had hitherto seen only in the twopenny pamphlets of the scandal-mongers of Grub Street; but was set forth with an abundance of detail which captured the most frivolous and an air of authenticity which convinced the most sceptical. It depicted a great man who had been in his grave but a few months. It was written with veneration, but wholly without awe, as though a valet had collaborated with the Recording Angel. It flouted all restraints, and passed the most distant limits of decency. Nothing like it had ever been heard of. Even in our own day, to a world whose nerves have been jaded by a thousand exposés, such a book would come as a surprise, but to the world of 1786 it was a revelation of new possibilities in literature, as alarming as they were entertaining. With all the frankness of Pepys the author combines the conscious skill of one who has mastered the art of anecdote and the joy of a conceited man who realizes that he is about to attain fame by one of the by-paths of literature. It was difficult, in 1785, to say whether Johnson’s theory of familiar biography had been realized or travestied in this book. It was obvious that he had been hoist with his own petard. The world was informed with the most scrupulous accuracy of how he said his prayers and how he was persuaded to wear a woollen night-cap. His idlest word was recorded as though in a dictograph. ‘I have often thought that if I kept a seraglio, the ladies should all wear linen gowns,—or cotton; I mean stuffs made of vegetable substances. I would have no silk; you cannot tell when it is clean, ...’ and so forth. At times the book is hardly quotable. Once when about to get into a dirty bed, during their travels in the Hebrides, Boswell remarks: ‘We had much hesitation, whether to undress, or lye down with our clothes on. I said at last, “I’ll plunge in! There will be less harbour for vermin about me when I’m stripped”—Dr. Johnson said, he was like one hesitating to go into the cold bath. At last he resolved too.’ The first sensation of the reader of such amazing stuff as this is that Boswell was engaged in a deliberate attempt to degrade a great man. He was accused by a writer in the Gentleman’s Magazine[438] of having ‘exposed and cut up’ his hero ‘in the most shameful and cruel manner.’ That Boswell had a kind of mischievous delight in what he was doing, no one need take the trouble to tell us; but that he was a sort of skilful blackmailer is now unthinkable. He felt that he was doing the world a service in showing that a great man was human; and time has proved that he was right. ‘There is something noble,’ Johnson had remarked to him, ‘in publishing truth, though it condemns one’s self.’ Boswell paid this price. He made Johnson permanently familiar by making himself almost permanently notorious. Witness the following extract:

Dr. Johnson went to bed soon. When one bowl of punch was finished, I rose, and was near the door, in my way up stairs to bed; but Corrichatachin said, it was the first time Col had been in his house, and he should have his bowl—and would not I join in drinking it? The heartiness of my honest landlord, and the desire of doing social honour to our very obliging conductor, induced me to sit down again. Col’s bowl was finished; and by that time we were well warmed. A third bowl was soon made, and that too was finished. We were cordial, and merry to a high degree; but of what passed I have no recollection, with any accuracy. I remember calling Corrichatachin by the familiar appellation of Corri, which his friends do. A fourth bowl was made, by which time Col, and young M’Kinnon, Corrichatachin’s son, slipped away to bed. I continued a little with Corri and Knockow; but at last I left them. It was near five in the morning when I got to bed.

Sunday, September 26.

I awaked at noon, with a severe head-ach. I was much vexed that I should have been guilty of such a riot, and afraid of a reproof from Dr. Johnson. I thought it very inconsistent with that conduct which I ought to maintain, while the companion of the Rambler. About one he came into my room, and accosted me, ‘What, drunk yet?’ His tone of voice was not that of severe upbraiding; so I was relieved a little. ‘Sir, (said I,) they kept me up.’ He answered, ‘No, you kept them up, you drunken dog:’—This he said with good-humoured English pleasantry. Soon afterwards, Corrichatachin, Col, and other friends assembled round my bed. Corri had a brandy-bottle and glass with him, and insisted I should take a dram. ‘Ay, said Dr. Johnson, fill him drunk again. Do it in the morning, that we may laugh at him all day. It is a poor thing for a fellow to get drunk at night, and sculk to bed, and let his friends have no sport.’ Finding him thus jocular, I became quite easy; and when I offered to get up, he very good naturedly said, ‘You need be in no such hurry now.’ I took my host’s advice, and drank some brandy, which I found an effectual cure for my head-ach. When I rose, I went into Dr. Johnson’s room, and taking up Mrs. M’Kinnon’s Prayer-book, I opened it at the twentieth Sunday after Trinity, in the epistle for which I read, ‘And be not drunk with wine, wherein there is excess.’ Some would have taken this as a divine interposition.

Such writing as this at once divided the reading public into hostile camps. There were many who considered the book delightful; others considered it a new kind of libel. It became the subject of a long controversy in the Gentleman’s Magazine. In the December following its appearance, Boswell was accused of ‘betraying private conversations even of the most trivial kind.’ In May, the tastes of a ‘gossiping age’ were denounced as well. By December 1786, the sale of the book having gone triumphantly forward, Boswell was reminded that his popularity was due solely to the general interest in Johnson; the sale of his work was compared to the consumption of potatoes in a time of famine; and the public was instructed that such works require for their composition nothing but an ear and a memory.