It is plain, therefore, that you may agitate as long as you like; you may demand your right as you have a right to demand, but you will not get the Bureaucracy in this country to support you. You must, therefore, go to their masters. Our demands must be carried across the seas to the great British Democracy (cheers). We want to be told why is it that we are not fit for self-government? I have said on other occasions that I do not ask for any particular kind of right which requires any elaborate consideration. I want the right which every nation on the face of the earth has—the right to build up our own constitution (cheers). I do not care about the details of the scheme just now. You can discuss them fully when the time comes. The question at present is a very simple one. I want our representatives to go to England, and tell the British Democracy that, we want nothing more, nothing less, than, the right to build up our own constitution,—a constitution which alone will enable us to secure the development of our nationality, a constitution which is absolutely necessary for the development of our manhood. Our representatives must go to England and tell the British people that the men on the spot are no longer to be trusted (hear, hear)—they must plead our case and they must insist on our rights (cheers).
If we find that we are not to get self-government, we have at least the right to get an honest answer. Let the British Democracy say if it likes, that this war is a war of liberation of humanity, but liberation of humanity does not include the liberation of India. If that is the view of the British Democracy let them tell us so. We won't be content with excuses and pretences. Gentlemen, when I consider the objections put forward to the grant of self-government, I can hardly keep my patience. What is it that they say? They say we are not educated enough to get self-government. My answer is: whose fault is it? For the last 150 years you have been governing this country, and yet you have not succeeded in educating the people of this country to such an extent that they may be fit for governing themselves. Do we not know that Japan was made only in 50 years? You have had 150 years. Why is it that at the end of that period we are told that we are not fit to govern ourselves? The very statement fills us with apprehension. As days go by, we will be rendered more and more unfit. No gentlemen, nobody really believes that the time has not come. It is a matter of immediate necessity and we must have it (cheers).
Then we are told, we are divided between many sects. We follow different religions, we have got different interests to serve and so on. Arguments are piled upon arguments in this way—it is always easy to argue and we at any rate who belong to the profession of law, know that it is always possible to argue. (Laughter). We all know that though vanquished, one can argue still (laughter). But do we not know, from the history of civilization, that directly you make people of different classes, of different religions, and of different interests, work together, work for a common good, do we not find that unity is brought about more successfully from the very fact of having to work together than by any other means? Therefore if you say that we are not fit for Self-Government, because we are divided in our interests, and in our religions, my answer is that self-government and self-government alone is the remedy of that. (Hear, hear.)
Then we are told that there is a revolutionary party amongst us and therefore we cannot be trusted with self-government. I have said elsewhere and I say again that I am not one of those who deny that there is a revolutionary party. But if you consider that question for the moment, you find that the only remedy which is possible, the only remedy which will effectually eradicate the revolutionary movement, is, the grant of self-government (loud cheers). I say this to the Government—you have been troubled over this revolutionary movement for so many years now—you suspected it in 1905. Have you ever made any effort to understand the psychology of that movement? Have you ever appointed any commission to enquire into the causes of this revolutionary movement? No. And yet, we have to take it that you want to eradicate it by repressive legislation (shame). My answer is that repressive legislation can never put an end to a revolutionary movement—it is only by satisfying their legitimate desire, it is only by satisfying their hunger, as I said the other day, for liberty that you can put an end to it. If you understand that problem you will find that the sooner self-government is introduced into this country it is better. I say it is better not only from the point of view of us Indians, it is better from the point of view of the British Democracy also, and that is what I desire that our representatives should tell them. It is the interest of India, it is the interest of England—it is really the true interest of both countries which will be served by the grant of self-government (loud applause).
If under ordinary circumstances, this deputation is necessary, I say it is rendered more necessary now, that the Anglo-Indian agitation has succeeded in starting a new association in England under the name of the Indo-British association. Gentlemen, I must at once tell you that the name is a misnomer. There is nothing 'Indo' in that association, except this, that there are members belonging to that association who have been benefited largely by India (hear, hear), that is the only Indo about this association. There are no Indians but there are members who have lived here amongst us—I do not desire to use any harsh language—who have been profited greatly (laughter). We are told, we should be everlastingly grateful to these people for coming over here all the way and putting lots of money into their pockets and leaving us to our fate. Well, gentlemen, these are men who represent the 'Indo' part of that association (laughter).
I tell you gentlemen, there is nothing British about them either (laughter). I cannot understand any association which has anything British in it which stands up against the legitimate aspirations of the people of a country (hear, hear). I refuse to believe that England has sunk so low to-day that her sons will form themselves into an association for the express purpose of crushing the legitimate aspirations of the people of India (hear, hear). Therefore, gentlemen, there is nothing "Indo" and nothing really "British" in this association which was started expressly, as I say, to oppose all reforms, to put down a whole people, so that their aspirations—their just aspirations, may be crushed for ever. So, gentlemen, if this deputation was necessary under normal circumstances, it has become absolutely necessary for our representatives to go to England to expose the vagaries of this association. If they have fed the British public with falsehood after falsehood, surely it is necessary for our representatives to meet them and expose the falsity of their utterances. Our representatives will be able to convince the British public that the grant of Home Rule is no longer a matter of gift (hear, hear). It is no longer a matter of beneficence but it is a matter of necessity which must be accomplished immediately (cheers).
They talk of progressive stages now. I say if you had started teaching the people the art of governing themselves 30 years ago, if you granted half a boon or even quarter of a boon at that time and went on granting more and more why, by to-day we would have had complete self-government in this country (hear, hear.) You have not done that. We have waited and waited and our patience is exhausted (hear, hear). Our faith in the man on the spot is gone (hear, hear) and nothing that you can do now, no honied words of beneficence, no eloquent speech of England's duty, no promise, no assurance will ever give us back that faith which you have crushed; (cheers)—that hope which you have killed (loud cheers).
What is our duty? Our duty is clear. We must depend on ourselves (hear, hear.) We must tell our own people to get ready for this great constitutional fight. It has been going on for the last 30 years but the time has come when its vigour must be doubled. We must put more energy into it, we must go on, fighting here in this country till we get what we demand. And in the meantime our representatives must go to England and acquaint the people there with the true state of affairs.—We want no favour. We have ceased to rely on beneficence or generosity. What we want is our legitimate rights. And who in this world has got the power of denying that which is ours, to claim, and to deprive us of that which is undoubtedly our right? (Loud cheers).