India for Indians / Enlarged Edition

by Chitta Ranjan Das

"Too long have we been given the shadows of things—empty forms—which may please the infantile mind, but which the adolescent nation spurns away as a child's plaything.... Not only should justice be done, but that the people should be convinced of it, ... not only should the Government be satisfied, but that the people should be convinced that a substantial measure of responsible government has been granted."

THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION.

Gentlemen, you will find similar expressions of his opinion in January and one or two in February. In March, Mr. Surendranath Banerjea went to Delhi and from that moment—well I am reminded of the "Rake's progress"—I shudder to think of the last step—I think, we the people of Bengal—we are entitled to ask for an explanation of this phenomenon. We are entitled to ask Sir Surendranath—I beg your pardon, gentlemen, I beg his pardon too—coming events cast their shadow before and I was caught in that shadow just for a moment—I think, gentlemen, we are entitled to ask Mr. Surendranath why is it that yesterday he was determined not to have any measure of self-government which was not satisfactory, which was not responsible, which was not wide in its scope and why is it that to-day in the month of June, 1918, he is of opinion that whatever scheme the Secretary of State puts forward should be accepted by the people—if it is satisfactory it should be accepted, if it is not satisfactory, even then it should be accepted because if we did not accept it, the British people might not grant anything at all. We want an explanation of this. He is the leader of Bengal—he claims that. I am free to acknowledge that claim, but we the people of Bengal who have loved him, followed him and honoured him, we who had "learnt his great language" and "caught his clear accents," we who had followed him with all the devotion of our hearts, we who had lived "in his mild and magnificent eye" for the last 30 years, are we not entitled to ask him to explain to us the inner significance the deeper meaning of this change? (Hear hear,) It cannot be for "a handful silver," we are told, it is not for "a riband to stick in his coat." What is it then?

WAS IT TOUCH OF HAND OR TURN OF HEAD?

Was there anything in the atmosphere of Delhi which brought about this change—was it something said, something done?—was it touch of hand or turn of head? What was it? Was it the growing wisdom of old age? Surely some explanation is due from him to the people of Bengal and as for his reasons, I have told you and I repeat: as long as I shall live I shall repeat that whether the people of England are willing or not willing to grant us any reform, that will not induce me to accept it unless it recognises my natural right—a real scheme of reform means the recognition of the natural rights of the people of this country (Loud cheers) I claim no favour. I stand on my right.

WE STAND ON OUR RIGHTS

What rights can the British people give me if I have not the claim within myself? Can man create rights? They can only recognise the rights which I have within me, the rights which belong to me, the rights which are given to me by God and rights which no man can take away. Unless you can satisfy that, unless you can make good that position, neither the British Parliament, nor all the Parliaments of the world will be able to confer on you things which do not belong to you. Strive for the thing which belongs to you. Say to them manfully, "this is my right" and prove that assertion by the voice of the people, the united voice of the nation (cheers). Prove that assertion and when you have done that, is there any power in this world which can say, you will not have that which belongs to you (cheers). They can only keep it from you as long as you do not realise that it is yours. That which you realise as your own cannot be taken away from you. The moment you realise this is your own, that moment that right will have to be recognised and not a moment sooner. No half-measures will create that, no tinkering scheme of reforms has ever made a nation in the past and will never make a nation in the future. Is it not Mr. Surendranath Banerjea who has repeated times without number that nations are by themselves made (Loud Cheers)?

THE WISDOM OF THE LEADER OF YESTERDAY

We have to make ourselves. Is this the way? This way which Mr. Surendranath Banerjea is now recommending, is this the way to make a nation? It is a critical period in our political history: there was no crisis in the history of India from the earliest times down to the present which was more critical than this and at this critical time for a leader of our people to say 'give us what little you think wise, we, the people of this country will accept it.'—Is it politics? Is it wisdom? Or is it madness? Surely an explanation is due to the people.

Well, gentlemen, take this to your heart to-day and make a solemn vow that if you are fit for self-government, you have got to demonstrate that. No words ever produced or created rights. Enactments are nothing. They simply recognise rights which exist. The rights belong to you if you only realise the position—they are not yours, if you hesitate (cheers). If you hesitate, you are lost. If you are afraid to realise that you have rights you are not fit for self-government. The rights of nationality were never granted to a nation of cowards (hear, hear).