Friday, 10.—I arrived with my family at the White purchase and took up my residence in a small log house on the bank of the river, about one mile south of Commerce City, hoping that I and my friends may here find a resting place for a little season at least.
Sidney Rigdon's General Letter of Introduction.
Quincy, Illinois, 10th May, 1839.
The bearer, Rev. Sidney Rigdon, is a member of a society of people called "Mormons," or "Latter-day Saints," who have been driven from the State of Missouri, by order of the executive of that state, and who have taken up their residence in and about this place in large numbers. I have no hesitation in saying that this people have been most shamefully persecuted and cruelly treated by the people of Missouri.
Mr. Rigdon has resided in and near this place for three or four months, during which time his conduct has been that of a gentleman and a moral and worthy citizen.
Samuel Leech.
Monday, May 13.—I was engaged in general business at home and in transacting a variety of business with Brother Oliver Granger, and gave him the following letter:
A Letter of Recommendation to Oliver Granger from the First Presidency.
Commerce, Illinois, 13th May, 1839.
Joseph Smith, Jun., Sidney Rigdon, and Hyrum Smith, presiding Elders of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, do hereby certify and solemnly declare unto all the Saints scattered abroad, and send unto them greeting. That we have always found President Oliver Granger to be a man of the most strict integrity and moral virtue; and in fine, to be a man of God.
We have had long experience and acquaintance with Brother Granger. We have entrusted vast business concerns to him, which have been managed skillfully to the support of our characters and interest as well as that of the Church; and he is now authorized by a general conference to go forth and engage in vast and important concerns as an agent for the Church, that he may fill a station of usefulness in obedience to the commandment of God, which was given unto him July 8, 1838, which says, "Let him (meaning Brother Granger) contend earnestly for the redemption of the First Presidency of my Church, saith the Lord."
We earnestly solicit the Saints scattered abroad to strengthen his hands with all their might, and to put such means into his hands as shall enable him to accomplish his lawful designs and purposes, according to the commandments, and according to the instructions which he shall give unto them. And that they entrust him with moneys, lands, chattels, and goods, to assist him in this work; and it shall redound greatly to the interest and welfare, peace and satisfaction of my Saints, saith the Lord God, for this is an honorable agency which I have appointed unto him, saith the Lord. And again, verily, thus saith the Lord, I will lift up my servant Oliver, and beget for him a great name on the earth, and among my people, because of the integrity of his soul: therefore, let all my Saints abound unto him, with all liberality and long suffering, and it shall be a blessing on their heads.
We would say unto the saints abroad, let our hearts abound with grateful acknowledgements unto God our Heavenly Father, who hath called us unto His holy calling by the revelation of Jesus Christ, in these last days, and has so mercifully stood by us, and delivered us out of the seventh trouble, which happened unto us in the State of Missouri. May God reward our enemies according to their works. We request the prayers of all the Saints, subscribing ourselves their humble brethren in tribulations, in the bonds of the everlasting Gospel.
Joseph Smith, Jun.,
Sidney Rigdon,
Hyrum Smith.
Letter of R. B. Thompson to the First Presidency Complaining of the Conduct of Lyman Wight.
To the Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Greeting:
I beg leave to call your attention to a subject of considerable importance to our Church, and which if not attended to is calculated (in my humble opinion) to raise a prejudice in a considerable portion of the community, and destroy those benevolent and philanthropic feelings which have been manifested towards us as a people by a large portion of this community: I have reference to the letters of Brother Lyman Wight, which have been inserted in the Quincy Whig. I am aware that upon a cursory view of these, nothing very objectionable may appear; yet, if they are attentively considered, there will be found very great objections to them indeed; for instance, in condemning the Democracy of Missouri, why condemn that of the whole Union? and why use such epithets as "Demagogue" to Thomas H. Benton, for not answering his letter, when it is very probable that he had not received it?
Yesterday I was waited on by Mr. Morris, who asked me what was intended by such publications, and why we should come out against the Democracy of the nation, when they were doing all in their power to assist us; it was something which he could not understand, and wished to know if we as a people countenanced such proceedings. I told him for my part I was sorry that these letters had ever made their appearance, and believed that such a course was at variance with the sentiments of the greater part of our people.
Yesterday I brought the subject before the authorities of the Church who are here, where it was manifest that his conduct was not fellowshiped, and the brethren wished to disavow all connection with such proceedings, and appointed a committee to wait on Brother Wight, to beg of him not to persist in the course, which, if not nipped in the bud, will probably bring persecution with all its horrors upon an innocent people, by the folly and imprudence of one individual.
From information I understand that the feelings of the governor are very much hurt by the course which is pursued. I think he ought to correct the public mind on this subject, and, as a Church; disavow all connection with politics. By such a procedure we may in some measure counteract the baneful influence which his letters have occasioned. But if such a course which he (Brother Wight) has adopted, be continued, (as I understand that he intends to do), it will block up our way, and we can have no reasonable prospect of obtaining justice from the authorities of the Union, whom we wantonly condemn before we have made application. The same feelings are beginning to be manifested in Springfield by those who have been our friends there.
The Whigs are glad of such weapons, and make the most of them. You will probably think I am a little too officious, but I feel impressed with the subject; I feel for my brethren. The tears of widows, the cries of orphans, and the moans of the distressed, are continually present in my mind; and I want to adopt and continue a course which shall be beneficial to us; but if through the imprudence and conduct of isolated individuals, three, four, or five years hence, our altars should be thrown down, our houses destroyed, our brethren slain, our wives widowed, and our children made orphans, your unworthy brother wishes to lift up his hands before God and appeal to Him and say, Thou who knowest all things, knowest that I am innocent in this matter.
I am with great respect, gentlemen, yours in the bonds of Christ,
R. B. Thompson.
P. S.—If you do not intend to be in Quincy this week, would you favor us with your opinion on this subject?
R. B. Thompson.
Quincy, Monday morning, 13th May, 1839.
Letter of Elder Parley P. Pratt to Judge Austin A. King.
State Of Missouri, Richmond,
Ray County, May 13, 1839.
To the Honorable Austin A. King, Judge of the Court of this and the adjoining counties:
Honorable Sir:—Having been confined in prison near seven months, and the time having now arrived when a change of venue can be taken in order for the further prosecution of our trials, and the time having come when I can speak my mind freely, without endangering the lives of any but myself, I now take the liberty of seriously objecting to trial anywhere within the bounds of the state, and of earnestly praying to your honor and to all the authorities, civil and military, that my case may come within the law of banishment, which has been so rigorously enforced upon near ten thousand of our society, including my wife and little ones, with all my witnesses and friends.
My reasons are obvious, and founded upon notorious facts, which are known to you, sir, and to the people in general of this Republic, and therefore need no proof. They are as follows: First, I have never received any protection by law, either of my person, property, or family, while residing in this state, to which I first emigrated in 1831. Secondly, I was driven by force of arms from Jackson county, wounded and bleeding, in 1833, while my house was burned, my crops and provision, robbed from me or destroyed, and my land kept from me until now, while my family was driven out without shelter, at the approach of winter. Thirdly, these crimes still go unpunished, notwithstanding I made oath before the Honorable Judge Ryland, then Circuit Judge of that district, to the foregoing outrages; and I also applied in person to His Excellency Daniel Dunklin, then Governor of the state, for redress and protection, and a restoration of myself and about 1,200 of my fellow-sufferers, to our rights—but all in vain.
Fourthly, my wife and children have now been driven from our home and improvements in Caldwell county, and banished from the state on pain of death, together with about ten thousand of our society, including all my friends and witnesses; and this by the express orders of His Excellency Lilburn W. Boggs, Governor of the state of Missouri, and by the vigorous execution of his order, by Generals Lucas and Clark, and followed up by murders, rapes, plunderings, thefts and robberies of the most inhuman character by a lawless mob, who have from time to time for more than five years past, trampled upon all law and authority, and upon all the rights of man.
Fifthly, all these inhuman outrages and crimes go unpunished, and are unnoticed by you, sir, and by all the authorities of the state.
Sixthly, the legislature of the state has approved of and sanctioned this act of banishment, with all the crimes connected with it, by voting same two hundred thousand dollars for the payment of troops engaged in this unlawful, unconstitutional, and treasonable enterprise. In monarchial governments the banishment of criminals after their trial and legal condemnation, has been frequently resorted to—but the banishment of innocent women and children from house and home and country, to wander in a land of strangers, unprotected and unprovided for, while their husbands and fathers are retained in dungeons, to be tried by some other law, is an act unknown in the annals of history, except in this single instance in the nineteenth century, when it has actually transpired in a republican state, where the Constitution guarantees to every man the protection of life and property, and the rights of trial by jury. These are outrages which would put monarchy to the blush, and from which the most despotic tyrants of the dark ages would turn away with shame and disgust. In these proceedings, Missouri has enrolled her name on the list of immortal fame—her transactions will be handed down the stream of time to the latest posterity, who will read with wonder and astonishment the history of proceedings which are without a parallel in the annals of time. Why should the authorities of the state strain at a gnat and swallow a camel? Why be so strictly legal as to compel me to go through all the forms of a slow and legal prosecution previous to my enlargement, [being set free] out of a pretense of respect to laws of the state, which have been openly trampled upon and disregarded towards us from the first to the last? Why not include me in the general wholesale banishment of our society, that I may support my family which are now reduced to beggary, in a land of strangers? But when the authorities of the state shall redress all these wrongs; shall punish the guilty according to law; and shall restore my family and friends to all the rights of which we have been unlawfully deprived, both in Jackson and all other counties; and shall pay all the damages which we as a people have sustained; then I shall believe them sincere in their professed zeal for law and justice; then shall I be convinced that I can have a fair trial in the state. But until then, I hereby solemnly protest against being tried in this state, with the full and conscientious conviction that I have no just grounds to expect a fair and impartial trial.
I therefore most sincerely pray your honor, and all the authorities of the state, to either banish me without further prosecution; or I freely consent to a trial before a judiciary of the United States.
With sentiments of high consideration and due respect, I have the honor to subscribe myself, your honor's most humble and obedient; etc.
Parley P. Pratt.
To Austin A. King.
Tuesday, May 14.—I returned to Quincy.
Wednesday and Thursday, 15th and 16th. Was engaged in a variety of business relating to the general welfare of the Church.
Letter of the First Presidency to the Quincy Whig, Disclaiming the Attitude of Lyman Wight.
Commerce, May 17, 1839.
To the Editors of the Quincy Whig:
Gentlemen:—Some letters in your paper have appeared over the signature of Lyman Wight in relation to our affairs with Missouri. We consider it is Mr. Wight's privilege to express his opinion in relation to political or religious matters, and we profess no authority in the case whatever, but we have thought, and do still think, that it is not doing our cause justice to make a political question of it in any manner whatever.
We have not at any time thought there was any political party, as such, chargeable with the Missouri barbarities, neither any religious society, as such. They were committed by a mob composed of all parties, regardless of all differences of opinion either political or religious.
The determined stand in this state, and by the people of Quincy in particular, made against the lawless outrages of the Missouri mobbers by all parties in politics and religion, have entitled them equally to our thanks and our profoundest regards, and such, gentlemen, we hope they will always receive from us. Favors of this kind ought to be engraven on the rock, to last forever.
We wish to say to the public, through your paper, that we disclaim any intention of making a political question of our difficulties with Missouri, believing that we are not justified in so doing.
We ask the aid of all parties, both in politics and religion, to have justice done us and obtain redress. We think, gentlemen, in so saying, we have the feelings of [i. e. represent] our people generally, however, individuals may differ; and we wish you to consider the letters of Lyman Wight as the feelings and views of an individual, but not of the society as such. We are satisfied that our people as a body disclaim all such sentiments and feel themselves equally bound to both parties in this state, as far as kindness is concerned, and good will; and also believe that all political parties in Missouri are equally guilty.
Should this note meet the public eye through the medium of your paper, it will much oblige your humble servants.
Joseph Smith, Jun.,
Sidney Rigdon,
Hyrum Smith.