After my departure, with joy for my liberation unexpected from a troublesome if not a dangerous voyage; for besides the sea, it was feared the King should get London before they could be there; things, praised be God, went better. The convention of estates emitted a proclamation, containing the heads of the covenant, and commanding all within sixty and sixteen, to be in readiness in full arms, with forty days provision, to march to the rendezvous that the convention or their committees should appoint. This was the first alarm. The English commissioners made promise to secure our coast with their shipping, and providing for our levy, and three months pay, L.100,000 Sterling, also L.6000 to the Irish army. The year, through their default, was far spent, and little possibility there was for us to arm so late. The corns behoved to be first cut: and in this God has been very gracious: never a better crop, never more early with us. The beginning of October is like to end our harvest. Also we could not stir till England did accept and enter in the covenant, and send down money. For the hastening of these, the great ship, with our three commissioners, Mr Meldrum, and two of the English, Mr Hatcher and Nye, made sail on Wednesday, the 30th day, the wind made no sooner; but some eight days before, the English had dispatched a ketch, with a double of our covenant, which, when it came, was so well liked at London, that Friday the 1st of September, being sent to the assembly of divines, it was there allowed by all, only D. Burgess did doubt for one night. On Saturday it passed the House of Commons, on Monday the House of Peers. It seems to have been much facilitate by the flight of these Lords, who all this time were opposing to their power their junction with us, and all what might further their cause. After the taking of Bristol, they grew more bold; and however they could not get the sending of commissioners to us hindered, yet when they were gone, they put on foot a new treaty of peace with the King. This proposition past the House of Peers and Commons both; but the leading men made such a noise in the city, that the Mayor, on the Monday, with the best of the city-council, offered a very sharp petition to the contrare, which made, albeit with great difficulty, that conclusion be renversed till they heard some answer from us. To remeid this, the malignants stirred a multitude of women of the meaner and more infamous rank, to come to the door of both houses, and cry tumultuously for peace on any terms. This tumult could not be suppressed but by violence, and killing some three or four women, and hurting more of them, and imprisoning many. Hereupon the underdealing of some being palpable, before it brake out fully they stole away; Holland, Bedford, Clare, Conway, Portland, Lovelace, and as they say, Salisbury and Northumberland. Some deny these two. Good had it been for the Parliament these had been gone long before. However, they were very well away at this time; for their absence was a great further to the passing of our covenant in a legal way. There was, for a time, horrible fears and confusions in the city; the King every where being victorious. In the Parliament and city a strong and insolent party for him. Essex much suspected, at least of non-fiance and misfortune; his army, through sickness and runaways, brought to 4000 or 5000 men, and these much malecontented that their general and they should be misprised, and Waller immediately prized. He had lost his whole army, and occasioned the loss of Bristol. Surely it was a great act of faith in God, huge courage, and unheard of compassion, that moved our nation to hazard their own peace, and venture their lives and all, for to save a people so irrecoverably ruined both in their own and the world’s eyes. Yet we trust the Lord of heaven will give success to our honest intentions; as yet all goes right. The city hath taken good order with itself. Beside the prisons on land, the most tumultuous they have sent out in two ships, to lie for a while at Gravesend. The King, thinking, at the first summons, to get Gloucester, and being refused, in a divine providence, was engaged to lie down before it; where the unexpected courage, conduct and success of the besieged, has much weakened the King’s army, and hath so encouraged the Parliament, that Essex, well refreshed and recruited, is marched with 12,000 foot and 2000 or 4000 horse towards Gloucester. It seems unavoidable, but they must fight ere he return. From our commissioners yet we have heard nothing. We expect this 22nd for Meldrum from them. Upon the certainty of that covenant’s subscription by any considerable party there, and the provision of some money, we mind to turn us to God, by fasting and prayer, and to levy 22,000 foot and 4000 horse. General Lesly is chosen, and accepted his old charge. It is true he past many promises to the King, that he would no more fight in his contrare; but, as he declares, it was with the express and necessary condition, that religion and the country’s right were not in hazard; as all indifferent men think now they are in a very evident one. As yet Almond is come no further than to serve for putting the country in arms for defence at home; so the lieutenant-general’s place is not as yet filled. Baillie also is much dependent on Hamilton, who as yet is somewhat ambiguous, suspected of all, loved of none; but it is like he will be quiet. Dear Sandie, [Hamilton,] brother to the Earl of Haddington, hath accepted the general of artillery’s place. Humbie is general commissary. Many of our nobles are crowners for shires. Mr Walden hath seized on Berwick for the Parliament, whereupon Crowner Gray makes prey of the town’s cattle, and Newcastle is sending down men and cannon to besiege it. Therefore our committee of estates dispatched Sinclair, and his three troops of new-levied horse, and 600 foot, to assist the securing of it. So the play is begun: the good Lord give it a happy end.—We had much need of your prayers. The Lord be with you. Your Cousin,
Robert Baillie.
3. Letter to Mr William Spang. November 17, 1643.[304]
Reverend and Beloved Cousin,
I hope long ere now you received my long one, September 22d. What since has passed you shall here have account. Our commissioners came safe to London, were welcomed in the assembly by three harangues from D. Twisse, Mr Case, and D. Hoile. Before their coming, the covenant had passed, with some little alteration. This they took in evil part, that any letter should be changed without our advice; but having a committee from both houses, and the assembly, of the most able and best-affected men, appointed to deal with them in that and all other affairs, we shortly were satisfied, finding all the alterations to be for the better. Being all agreed, as the assembly and House of Commons did swear and subscribe that covenant, the little House of Lords did delay, for sake of honour, as they said, till they found our nation willing to swear it as then it was formed. In this we gave great satisfaction; for so soon as Mr Henderson’s letters came to Mr R. Douglas, he conveened the commissioners of the church, and the Chancellor, and the commissioners of the estate, who, after a day’s deliberation, did heartily approve the alterations, as not materially differing from the form read in the assembly. So on Friday, in the new church, after a pertinent sermon of Mr Robert Douglas, the commissioners of state at one table, the commissioners of the church at another, the commissioners from the parliament and assembly of England at a third, did solemnly swear and subscribe, with great joy and many tears. Some eighteen of our Lords were present that day; and copies were dispatched to the moderators of all our presbyteries, to come read and expone that covenant the first Sunday after their receipt, and the Sunday following to cause swear it by men and women, and all of understanding in every church of our land, and subscribe by the hand of all men who could write, and by the clerk of session in name of those who could not write, with certification of the church-censures, and confiscation of goods, presently to be inflicted on all refusers. With a marvellous unanimity was this every where received. A great many averse among us from this course, who bitterly spoke against our way every where, and none more than some of our friends; yet in God’s great mercy all that yet I have heard of have taken this oath. Sundry things did much contribute to the running of it. It was drawn with such circumspection, that little scruple from any airth could be to any equitable. For the matter, the authority of a general assembly and convention of estates were great; the penalties set down in print before the covenant, and read with it, were great; the chief aim of it was for the propagation of our church-discipline in England and Ireland; the great good and honour of our nation; also the parliament’s advantage at Gloucester and Newburry, but most of all the Irish cessation, made the minds of our people embrace that mean of safety: for when it was seen in print from Dublin, that in July his Majesty had sent a commission to Ormond, the judges, and committee there, to treat with these miscreants; that the dissenting commissioners were cast in prison; that the agreement was proclaimed, accepting the sum of £300,000 sterling from these idolatrous butchers, and giving them, over the name of Roman-Catholick subjects now in arms, a sure peace for a year, with full power to bring in what men, arms, money they could from all the world, and to exterminate all who should not agree to that proclamation, we thought it clear that the Popish party was so far countenanced, as it was necessary for all Protestants to join more strictly for their safety; and that so much the more, as ambassadors from France were come both to England and us, with open threats of hostility from that crown. Our land now, I hope, in a happy time, hath entered, with fastings and prayer, in a league with England, without any opposition. His Majesty lets us alone; partly his distructions elsewhere, and most, as we think, his experience how bitter proclamations did more than calm us, only a letter came from him to the council, marvelling that in his name they had proclaimed an injunction for all to arm, and had entered in a covenant with his enemies, without his advice. An answer was returned in justification of both these actions. Hamilton, Roxburgh, Traquair, and others, had been advising what to do, as yet hitherto they have had no din, and we trust they shall not be able to make any party. However, we have laid in Stirling, for all accidents, some three troop of horse. All the shires are put under their crowners, captains, and commanders of war; but no men as yet are levied. The English are more unhappy oft in their delays. Meldrum was sent up with some articles to their parliament, agreed upon with their commissioners here; but he is not returned. We know the best of the English have very ill will to employ our aid, and the smallest hopes they got of subsisting by themselves makes them less fond of us. The march of Essex to Gloucester; his raising of that siege; his return to London, with some vantage at Newburry; Manchester’s taking of Lynn; his clearing of Lincolnshire, with some prosperous skirmishes there; Newcastle’s repulse from Hull, puts them in new thoughts; also their bygone great expences of money, and the great charge which Essex, Waller, Manchester, Warwick, Fairfax, puts them to daily, makes it hard for them to get such sums of money as are needful for raising of our army; and most of all, as is surmised, the underhand dealing of some yet in their parliament, who have no will, that by our coming in, that business should be ended, lest their reign should too soon end. However, by lets open and secret, that help which we were very willing to have given, is not like in haste to be made need of; only Meldrum writes, that from twenty-eight parishes of London there is got now some £30,000, with which he is presently to come down. Mr Hatcher will follow with the rest that can be got. It is like, when any competent sum comes, that an army shall rise, and go towards Newcastle. There is lying some £100,000 worth of coals. It is hoped, albeit it be winter, and the town fortified, yet there cannot be great opposition; for Manchester and Fairfax, and the people of Lancashire, coming on the one side, we hope that our army, on the other, may come the better speed. The Irish cessation perplexes us. Our army there is very inconsiderable, some 8000 of hunger and cold-beaten soldiers, if ever were any, no duty at all has been done to them. The parliament’s wants and negligence, and evil dealing of some, foolishly and most unjustly jealous of us, has well near starved these soldiers. If they run away, Ireland is lost; if they stay, they have all the English and Irish for enemies; yet, if they had money, they would, with God’s help, keep Ulster against all. For to advise on this, Sir Henry Vane and Mr Marshall are gone to London; so only Sir William Armine stays here. If the Scots were away, it is feared that all Ireland should be ready to go upon England at a call. At last the assembly of divines have permission to fall on the question of church-government. What here they will do, I cannot say. Mr Henderson’s hopes are not great of their conformity to us, before our army be in England. However, they have called earnestly once and again for Mr Rutherford and me. The commission has conveened, and sent for us. We are thus far in our way to go abroad, God willing, one of these days. The weather is uncertain, the way dangerous, pirates and shoals no scant; yet trusting on God, we must not stand on any hazard to serve God and our country. Write none to me till you hear from me where I am. The case of affairs is lamentable. Not the least appearance of peace. The anger of God burns like a fire, without relenting. Above 200,000 persons lost their lives by this war already. The hearts of both parties this day alike in courage. Besides bygone mischiefs, it is like the next spring, or before, a flood of strangers will rush in on England. Scots, Irish, French, Danes, and who not? There appears not any possible remeid, till God send the overture. How things go abroad, you will write to me more fully. Our negotiation at the court of France, it seems is miscarried. Lothian, with nothing done, is returned. He would not be dissuaded from going to Oxford; where we hear he is laid up, to our grief and irritation. A little Monsieur, some agent with letters from the Queen, has offered to our council the renovation of that league, whereof Lothian was treating; but requires us not to covenant with the parliament of England, and to annul the acts of our general assembly against the Papists in our Scottish regiments in France, to cause set the Earl of Antrim free. He stomachs that he has not a quick answer. The man seems to be of a small account. He is delayed till Lothian come. The friendship of the French was never much worth to us, and now we regard it as little as ever. We shall do them no wrong; but if they will join against the Protestant cause, we must oppose them. A pity but your estates should regard more the safety of England, and of themselves, than hitherto they have done. We had a month ago a false alarm: it was probably informed, and certainly believed, that Prince Rupert was on our borders, with 20,000 horse and foot; that his cannon was at Morpeth; that our banders, then met at Kelso for the Lady Roxburgh’s burial, were to join with him; that without impediment, they were to seize Edinburgh. Our council were at the point of putting up fire-beacons to call all the country to the border; yet some little time made us find it was but a mistake of some horse and foot of Colonel Gray’s, to beware of our eruptions from Berwick. As yet no acts of hostility to count of are past.
4. Excerpts from Principal Baillie’s Account of the Westminster Assembly, December, 1643.[305]
The like of that assembly I did never see, and, as we hear say, the like was never in England, nor any where is shortly like to be. They did sit in Henry VII.’s chapel, in the place of the convocation; but since the weather grew cold, they did go to Jerusalem chamber, a fair room in the abbey of Westminster, about the bounds of the college fore-hall, but wider at the one end nearest the door; and on both sides are stages of seats, as in the new assembly-house at Edinburgh, but not so high; for there will be room but for five or six score. At the upmost end there is a chair set on a frame, a foot from the earth, for the Mr Prolocutor Dr Twisse. Before it on the ground stands two chairs for the two Mr Assessors, Dr Burgess and Mr Whyte. Before these two chairs, through the length of the room, stands a table, at which sits the two scribes, Mr Byefield and Mr Roborough. The house is all well hung, and has a good fire, which is some dainties at London. Foreanent the table, upon the prolocutor’s right hand, there are three or four ranks of forms. On the lowest we five do sit. Upon the other, at our backs, the members of parliament deputed to the assembly. On the forms foreanent us, on the prolocutor’s left hand, going from the upper end of the house to the chimney, and at the other end of the house, and backside of the table, till it come about to our seats, are four or five stages of forms, whereupon their divines sit as they please; albeit commonly they keep the same place. From the chimney to the door there are no seats but a void for passage. The Lords of parliament use to sit on chairs, in that void, about the fire. We meet every day of the week except Saturday. We sit commonly from nine to two or three after noon. The prolocutor at the beginning and end has a short prayer. The man, as the world knows, is very learned in the questions he has studied, and very good, and beloved of all, and highly esteemed; but merely bookish, and not much, as it seems, acquaint with conceived prayer, among the unfittest of all the company for any action; so after the prayer he sits mute. It was the canny conveyance of these who guide most matters for their own interest to plant such a man of purpose in the chair. The one assessor, our good friend Dr Burgess, a very active and sharp man, supplies, so far as is decent, the prolocutor’s place; the other, our good friend, Mr Whyte, has kept in of the gout since our coming. Ordinarily there will be present about three score of their divines. These are divided in three committees; in one whereof every man is a member. No man is excluded who pleases to come to any of the three. Every committee, as the parliament gives order in writ to take any purpose to consideration, takes a portion, and in their afternoon meeting prepares matters for the assembly, sets down their minds in distinct propositions, backs their propositions with texts of scripture. After the prayer, Mr Byefield the scribe reads the proposition and scriptures, whereupon the assembly debates in a most grave and orderly way. No man is called up to speak but who stands up of his own accord. He speaks so long as he will without interruption. If two or three stand up at once, then the divines confusedly call on his name whom they desire to hear first. On whom the loudest and maniest voices call, he speaks. No man speaks to any but to the prolocutor. They harangue long and very learnedly. They study the question well beforehand, and prepare their speeches; but withal the men are exceeding prompt, and well-spoken. I do marvel at the very accurate and extemporal replies that many of them usually make. When, upon every proposition by itself, and on every text of scripture that is brought to confirm it, every man who will has said his whole mind, and the replies, and duplies, and triplies, are heard; then the most part calls to the question. Byefield the scribe rises from the table, and comes to the prolocutor’s chair, who, from the scribe’s book, reads the proposition, and says, “As many as are in opinion that the question is well stated in the proposition, let them say I,” [aye;] when I is heard, he says, “As many as think otherways say No.” If the difference of I’s and No’s be clear, as usually it is, then the question is ordered by the scribes, and they go on to debate the first scripture alledged for proof of the proposition. If the sound of I and No be near equal, then says the prolocutor, “As many as say I, stand up;” while they stand, the scribe and others number them in their minds; when they are set down, the No’s are bidden stand, and they likewise are numbered. This way is clear enough, and saves a great deal of time which we spend in reading our catalogue. When a question is once ordered, there is no more of that matter; but if a man will deviate, he is quickly taken up by Mr Assessor, or many others, confusedly crying, “Speak to order.” No man contradicts another expressly by name, but most discreetly speaks to the prolocutor, and at most holds on the general, The Reverend brother who lately or last spoke on this hand, on that side, above or below. I thought meet once for all to give you a taste of the outward form of their assembly. They follow the way of their parliament. Much of their way is good, and worthy of our imitation; only their longsomeness is woful at this time, when their church and kingdom lie under a most lamentable anarchy and confusion. They see the hurt of their length, but cannot get it helped; for being to establish a new platform of worship and discipline to their nation for all time to come, they think they cannot be answerable, if solidly, and at leisure, they do not examine every point thereof.
When our commissioners came up, they were desired to sit as members of the assembly; but they wisely declined to do so: but since they came up as commissioners from our national church to treat for uniformity, they required to be dealt with in that capacity. They were willing, as private men, to sit in the assembly, and upon occasion to give their advice in points debated; but for the uniformity, they required a committee might be appointed from the parliament and assembly to treat with them thereanent. All these, after some harsh enough debates, were granted: so once a week, and whiles oftener, there is a committee of some Lords, Commons, and Divines, which meet with us anent our commission. To this committee a paper was given in by our brethren before we came, as an introduction to further treaty. According to it the assembly did debate, and agree anent the duty of pastors. At our first coming, we found them in a very sharp debate anent the office of doctors. The Independent men, whereof there are some ten or eleven in the synod, many of them very able men, as Thomas Goodwin, Nye, Burroughs, Bridges, Carter, Caryl, Phillips, Sterry, were for the divine institution of a doctor in every congregation as well as a pastor. To these the others were extremely opposite, and somewhat bitterly, pressing much the simple identity of pastors and doctors. Mr Henderson travelled betwixt them, and drew on a committee for accommodation; in the whilk we agreed unanimously upon some six propositions, wherein the absolute necessity of a doctor in every congregation, and his divine institution in formal terms, was eschewed; yet where two ministers can be had in one congregation, the one is allowed, according to his gift, to apply himself most to teaching, and the other to exhortation, according to the scriptures.