The city’s declaration and diurnal declare in what a brave posture both the city and parliament once were in. The other papers shew how soon all was overturned. The army marched through the whole city by way of triumph; but staid not in it, did no violence to any; only three or four regiments keep the forts about Westminster, and guard the parliament still. For all that, the House of Commons vote sundry things contrary to the mind of the army. How long that courage will remain, I cannot say. It is thought that people, when they have felt a little the burden of the army, will break that yoke by one mean or other. The army’s mind, much of it, may be seen in their propositions, a paper which I purposed to send, but now it is fallen by. By it they are clear enough for a full liberty of conscience, a destroying of our covenant, a setting up of bishops, of inthralling the King, so far, as in my judgement, he and they will not agree, albeit many think they are agreed already. If this were, our case were very hard. Never more appearance of a great discord, both in our church and state, some few days ago; but, blessed be God, the appearances are now much changed. Never assembly more harmonious than this yet has been. Our declaration to England, a very good piece, is passed without a contrary voice. An act against vaigers [strollers] from their own ministers, and a large direction for private worship, drawn by Mr Robert Blair for the correcting all the faults in worship, which offended many here, is past the committee, without a contrary voice; and, I think, shall pass the assembly also, no less unanimously; which demonstrates the truth of what I said in my assembly-speech, “That for all the noise some made, yet truly there was no division as yet in our church.”
Yesterday, and this night, our state, after much irreconcileable difference, as appeared, are at last unanimously agreed to send the Chancellor and Lanerk to the King and parliament of England, to comfort and encourage both to keep our covenant, and not to agree to the propositions of the army. No appearance, as yet, of any stirring in haste in this kingdom.
To Mr Spang. Edinburgh, September 1, 1647.
—— London has lien like a millstone on my breast now of a long time. The first week we came to this town, my heart was a little relieved. I thought God had answered our prayers much sooner than I expected, and had put London in so good a posture for averting all our fears as I could have wished; but that joy lasted not full eight days. Stapleton and Hollis, and some others of the eleven members, had been the main persuaders of us to remove out of England, and leave the King to them, upon assurance, which was most likely, that this was the only means to get that evil army disbanded, the King and peace settled according to our minds: but their bent execution of this real intention has undone them, and all, till God provide a remedy. We were glad when Leslie was recalled from his Lieutenancy of Ireland, a creature of Cromwell’s, who got that great trust for no virtue at all but his serviceableness to that faction. This was the first sensible grievance to that army. The second was the employing of Skippon and Massie, in the Irish command, and giving to Fairfax such a command in England as made him not very formidable. But when the third stroke came, of disbanding the most of the sectaries, and cashiering of their officers, this put them on that high and bold design, which as yet they follow, as, I think, not so much on great preconception, as drawn on by the course of affairs, and light heads of their leaders. Vane and Cromwell, as I take it, are of nimble hot fancies for to put all in confusion, but not of any deep reach. St John and Pierpont are more stayed, but not great heads. Sey and his son, not _____, albeit wiser, yet of so dull, sour, and fearful a temperament, that no great atchievement, in reason, could be expected from them. The rest, either in the army or parliament, of their party, are not on their mysteries, and of no great parts either for counsel or action, so far as I could ever observe. The folly of our friends was apparent, when at the army’s first back-march, and refusal to disband, they recalled their declaration against their mutinous petitions. Easily might all their designs have been crushed at that nick of time, with one stout look more; but it was a dementation to sit still amazed at the taking of the King, the accusation of the eleven members, the army’s approaching to the city. Here, had the city agreed, and our friends in parliament shewed any resolution, their opposites counsel might even then have been easily overturned; for all this while, the army was not much above 10,000 ill-armed soldiers. But the irrecoverable loss of all, was the ill-managing of the city’s brave engagement. Had they then made fast the chief of the sectarian party in both Houses, and stopt their flight to the army; had Massey and Waller, with any kind of masculine activity, made use of that new trust committed to them; Mr Marshal, and his seventeen servants of the synod, for all Foulks and Gib’s subornation, should never have been bold to offer that destructive petition to the Houses and common council, which, without any capitulation, put presently in the army’s power, the parliament, city, and all England, without the least contradiction. An example rarely parallelled, if not of treachery, yet at least of childish improvidence and base cowardice. Since that time they have been absolute masters of all. Which way they will use this unexpected sovereignty, it will quickly appear. As yet they are settling themselves in their new saddle. Before they got up, they gave the King and his party fair words; but now, when all is their own, they may put him in a harder condition than yet he has tasted of. Their proposals, a part of their mind, give to the King much of his desire in bringing back bishops and books, in putting down our covenant and presbytery, in giving ease to malignants and Papists; but spoil him of his temporal power so much, as many think, he will never acquiesce to; albeit it is spoken loud, that he and they are fully agreed.
Our state here, after long expectation to have heard something of the King’s own mind and desires, as yet have heard nothing from him to account of. Although he should employ their help against his oppressors, yet he being still altogether unwilling to give us any satisfaction in the matter of our covenant, we are uncertain what course to take; only we do resent to our commissioners to oppose the proposals, and to require a safe-conduct to the Chancellor and Lanerk to come up to the King and parliament. It cost many debates before it came to this conclusion. Our great men are not like to pack up their differences. Duke Hamilton and his friends would have been thought men composed of peace on any terms, and to have cast on other designs of embroiling Scotland in a new war. But when all were weary of jangling debates, the conclusion whereto the committee was brought, was so far to espouse the King’s quarrel on any terms, that Argyle and Wariston behoved to protest against our engagement on any such terms. To avoid invidious protestations, both parties agreed to pass an act of not engagement. The proceedings of some are not only double and triple, but so manifold, that as no other, so, in my mind, themselves know not what they finally intend. They who made themselves gracious and strong, by making the world believe that it was their opposites who had brought the country in all the former trouble, and would yet again bring it into a new dangerous war, when it came to the point, were found to precipitate us into dangers, and that in such terms as few with comfort could have undertaken. We have it from divers good hands at London, that some here kept correspondence with Sir Thomas Fairfax, which to me is an intolerable abomination. The present sense of many is this: if the King and the army agree, we must be quiet and look to God: if they agree not, and the King be willing to ratify our covenant, we are all as one man to restore him to all his rights, or die by the way: if he continue resolute to reject our covenant, and only to give us some parts of the matter of it, many here will be for him, even in these terms; but divers of the best and wisest are irresolute, and wait till God give more light.
David Leslie, with a great deal of fidelity, activity, and success, has quieted all our highlands and isles, and brought back our little army; which, we think, shall be quartered here and there, without disbanding, till we see more of the English affairs. The pestilence, for the time, vexes us. In great mercy Edinburgh and Leith, and all about, which lately were afflicted with more of this evil than ever was heard of in Scotland, are free. Some few infections now and then, but they spread not. Aberdeen, Brechin, and other parts of the north, are miserably wasted. St Andrew’s and Glasgow, without great mortality, are so threatened, that the schools and colleges now in all Scotland, except Edinburgh, are scattered.
While I had written thus far, by the packet this day from London I learn, that the army daily goes higher and higher, which to me is a hopeful presage of their quicker ruin. The chief six of the eleven members were coming to you, Stapleton, Esler, Hollis; the second gentleman, for all gallantry in all England, died at Calais. I think it will be hard to the parliament and city to bear these men long; and I hope, if all men were dead, God will arise against them. Munster is not like to be a school to them long. Cromwell and Vane are like to run on to the end of Becold and Knipperdolling’s race. Northumberland has feasted the King at Swahouse; hence he went to Hampton-court. They speak of his coming to Whitehall. If he agree no better with the sectaries than yet he does, that journey may prove fatal. He is not likely to come out of London willingly; and if the army should draw him, that violence may waken sleeping hounds. If they let him come to London, without assurance of his accord with them, they are more bold and venturous than wise; and if the King agree to their state-designs, I think he is not so consonant to all his former principles and practice as I took him.
I know you expect some account of our assembly. Take it, if you have patience to read what I have scribbled in haste, on a very ill sheet of paper. I have no leisure to double; for our commissioners enter every day at seven, and we are about publick business daily till late at night. At our first meeting, there was clear appearance of formed parties for division; but God has turned it so about, that never assembly was more harmonious and peaceable to the very end. The last year, a minister in the Merse, one Mr James Simson, whose grandsire was, as I take it, an uncle or brother to famous Mr Patrick of Stirling, a forward, pious, young man, being in suit of a religious damsel, sister to Mr James Guthrie’s wife, had kept with Mr James Guthrie, and others, some private meetings and exercises, which gave great offence to many. When they came before the last general assembly and commission of the kirk, Mr David Calderwood and sundry other very honest men, opposite to malignants, were much grieved, and by that grief moved to join with Mr William Colvil, Mr Andrew Fairfoul, and such whom some took to be more favourable to malignants than need were. These two joined together, made a great party, especially when our statesmen made use of them to bear down those who had swayed our former assemblies. The contest was at the chusing of the moderator. The forementioned party were earnest for Mr William Colvil. Many were for me; but I was utterly unwilling for any such unfit charge, and resolved to absent myself from the first meeting, if by no other means I could be shifted the leet. At last, with very much ado, I got myself off, and Mr Robert Douglas on the leets; who carried it from Mr William Colvil only by four voices. God’s blessing on this man’s great wisdom and moderation has carried all our affairs right to the end; but Mr David Calderwood having missed his purpose, has pressed so a new way of leeting the moderator for time to come, that puts in the hand of base men to get one whom they please, to our great danger. We spent a number of days on silly particulars. Mr Gillespie came home at our first downsitting. He and I made our report to the great satisfaction of all. You have here what I spoke. Mr Calderwood was much offended with what I had spoken in the end; but my apology in private satisfied him. He, and others of his acquaintance, came with resolution to make great din about privy meetings and novations, being persuaded, and willing to persuade others, that our church was already much pestered with schism. My mind was clean contrary: and now, when we have tried all to the bottom, they are found to be much more mistaken than I; for they have obtained, with the hearty consent of these men whom they counted greatest patrons of schism, all the acts they pleased against that evil, wherein the wisdom and authority of Mr Blair has been exceeding serviceable. This yielding on our side, to their desires, drew from them a quiet consent to these things we intended, from which at first they seemed much averse. We agreed, nemine contradicente, to that declaration, which was committed to Mr Gillespie and me, but was drawn by him alone; also, after much debate in the committee, to the Confession of Faith; and to the printing of the Directory for government, for the examination of the next general assembly; of the Catechism also, when the little that remains shall come down; likewise for printing to that same end two or three sheets of Thesis against Erastianism, committed to Mr Gillespie and me, but done by him at London at Voetius’s motion; which we mind, when approven here, to send to him; who is hopeful to get the consent of your universities and of the general assembly of France to them, which may serve for good purpose. We have put the new Psalter also in a good way.—— We have this day very happily ended our assembly with good concord; albeit Mr David Calderwood, serving his own very unruly humour, did oft very much provoke. He has been so intolerable through our forbearance, that it is like he shall never have so much respect among us. His importunity forced us, not only to a new ridiculous way of chusing the moderator, but on a conceit he has, that a minister deposed should not again be reposed almost in no case, he has troubled us exceedingly about the power of the commission of the kirk to depose a minister in any case; yet we carried it over him. We have obtained leave to print all our English papers, Catechism, Confession, Propositions, and Directory for government and ordination, our debates for accommodation against toleration, our papers to the grand committee, the propositions for government, albeit passed both in our assembly and parliament 1643. Mr David opposed vehemently the printing, and his grand followers, Mr John Smith and Mr William Colvil with him, because they held forth a session of a particular congregation to have a ground in scripture, which he, contrary to his Altar of Damascus, believes to have no divine right, but to be only a commission, with a delegated power from the presbytery, tolerated in our church for a time. With great difficulty could we get the printing of that paper passed for his importunity; but at last we got all.
An express from London this day tells us, that the army’s parliament press the concurrence of our commissioners to send to Hampton-court the propositions to the King. This seems to import the King’s refusal of the proposals, and disagreeing yet with the army. And what they will do with the King, if he refuse the propositions also, we know not; only their last remonstrance shews their resolution to cast out of the parliament many more members, and to take the lives of some for example. The spirit that leads them, and the mercy of God to that oppressed people, will not permit these tyrannous hypocrites to rest, till, by their own hands, they have pulled down their Babel.
****