The period in our history to which our attention is now attracted—extending from the beginning of August, 1647, to the 12th of July, 1648—embraces a variety of striking occurrences, and presents, in the progress of the great national drama which was rapidly hastening to its tragical termination, a complication of circumstances well calculated to affect the most sober-minded as well as the more sanguine student. The pillars of society were then indeed shaken to their foundations and utterly overthrown.
When we last paused in our narrative, we left the Sovereign of the British kingdom a prisoner in the hands of a mutinous army in England—the usurping Parliament truckling to an armed force of its own creation—the capital of that kingdom in the possession and under the dominion of the army—and the people suffering from an intolerable load of burdens, and all the horrors of social anarchy. It is unnecessary for our purpose, however, to dilate on these particulars; and we do not intend to enter on them further than is absolutely necessary for illustrating the relative movements in Scotland, which it is our more immediate object to record.
In the Acts of the Assembly 1647,[363] our readers will find a Declaration and brotherly Exhortation to their brethren of England, in which they deplore the many obstructions to the triumph of the Covenant and Presbytery, in the variety of pestilent sectaries which had sprung up; and, referring to the Declaration of the Scottish Parliament, of 16th January preceding, they declare that their zeal in that cause does not abate nor diminish anything at all from their loyalty and duty to the King’s Majesty; they profess that the Covenant and presbyterial government are so far from hindering or excluding their duty to the King, that it was thereby strengthened and supported. Nothing, however, would induce the clerical party to abate one jot of the Covenant; and they demanded of the King that which he could not, without an utter dereliction of honour and conscience, comply with—an adoption of the Covenant and extirpation of prelacy and all the diversified heresies which abounded in England, under the protection of the English army, then in complete ascendancy over all the authorities of the State.
In these circumstances, many of the nobility, and all of the Scottish nation who had shewn any opposition to the Covenant, and hence acquired the designation of malignants, bestirred themselves in behalf of the King and the restoration of social order. In pursuance of these objects, and with the view, doubtless, of also wiping off the stigma which, well or ill founded, attached to the nation—as having sold the King to his rebellious English subjects, who had ever after kept him a prisoner—the Scotch resolved to make another effort; and the Committee of Estates, after much debate, agreed to send the Chancellor and Lanerick on a mission to the King and the English Parliament, in order to unite with Lauderdale, who was in England, and, if possible, to effect some reconciliation by persuading the King and the English Parliament to adopt the Covenant. Even this proposition (which was no concession whatever to the King) was unpalatable to the Kirkmen and their friends in Parliament. Argyle and Wariston protested against it as too favourable for the King, and the clergy failed not to declaim against it as an artifice of hated malignancy.
The Scottish Deputies proceeded to England, and, in October, entered on their task of negotiation upon the principles embodied in their instructions, urging the King’s acquiescence in the Covenant as a means of insuring support in all his legitimate prerogatives, against those who now avowed hostility to monarchy. Beset and bewildered amidst the conflicting and irreconcilable propositions of the two Parliaments and the army, his Majesty at length, on the 11th of November, made his escape from Hampton Court, and, two days after, took refuge in Carisbrook Castle, in the Isle of Wight; his intention of leaving the country having been baffled, and his person still remaining in the power of what may justly be called the rebel or revolutionary party, in the English Parliament and army, under the guidance of Cromwell and Vane.
On his flight, the King left messages to be communicated to Parliament,[364] expressing his favourable opinion of Episcopacy, yet consenting that Presbytery should be established for three years, but with toleration to all who could not submit to it conscientiously. These terms were not acceptable to the Scottish Commissioners, falling far short of what their constituents and the Covenanters insisted on; but they were entirely disregarded by the English Parliament, who, without ever consulting them, passed four Acts, which were entirely on civil points, and substantially denuded the King of every vestige of royalty. The Scottish Commissioners indignantly remonstrated against these Acts as a breach of the treaty with Scotland, and proceeded to the Isle of Wight, where they advised the King against assenting to these Bills, which would subject himself and his people to a military despotism; and formally protested against these domineering ordinances of the English Parliament. Separate negotiations with the King were carried on by them, and speedily digested into a treaty, which soon after became but too well known under the name of “The Engagement.” A brief retrospect, however, is requisite before the nature of that treaty is explained.
It is but a debt of justice, which we are gratified to pay to our countrymen, when we reiterate, from the authentic record, that in these very delicate and perplexing circumstances, Lord Loudoun, Chancellor, and his colleagues of the Commission, did all that loyal and brave men could do, under their instructions, to rescue their Sovereign from the grasp of a set of infuriated and armed democrats. So early as 13th August preceding, the Scottish Parliament had adopted a Declaration and Remonstrance, expressive of their resolution “to redeem his Majesty from the hands of schismaticks, and place him in his Parliament with honour and safety—to procure the peace of the three kingdoms, &c.—all which are not only endangered, but, by likelihood, ready to be destroyed by the power of an overawing tyrannical army, under the conduct of Sir Thomas Fairfax;” and to this was added an oath, taken by the Parliament of Scotland, and ordered to be taken by all his Majesty’s loyal subjects, in which they vowed to “maintain and defend with our lives, powers, and estates, his Majesty’s royal person, honour, and estate, as is expressed in our National Covenant, and likewise the power and priviledges of Parliament, and the lawful rights and liberties of the subject.” After referring to doctrines held by the English Parliament, that kingly government was inconvenient, and the King a public enemy; that it contemplated the new and arbitrary modelling of Parliament, and the ruin and destruction of the House of Lords;—the declaration referred to, concluded with an intimation, that, failing a remedy for these impending breaches of treaty and loyalty on the part of the English usurping Parliament, the Scottish nation would make such provision of arms and other military forces, as might secure their religion and their King, kingdom, and parliament.[365] In pursuance of this resolution, a corps of 3,500 men, under General David Leslie, was cantoned at Jedburgh, and along the Border.
On the 14th of September, (1647,) the King’s answer to the propositions which had been sent him, was read in the Parliament, to the effect that he would give full satisfaction to his people for whatsoever should concern the settling of the Protestant profession, with liberty to tender consciences, and the securing of the laws, liberties, and properties of all his subjects, and the just privileges of Parliament, for the future.[366] This, after various and long discussions, they held to be a refusal of their propositions; and, on the 22d of that month, resolved, “to fall directly upon the settlement of the kingdom, by establishing such additional laws as might make for the present and future good of the kingdom, turning the propositions into Bills and Acts;[367]” and ultimately agreed that tender consciences should be freed, by way of indulgence, from the penalty of the statute for the Presbyterian government on account of their nonconformity, who do meet in some other congregation for worship on Sunday,—that Papists should be subject to penalties in the statute of Elizabeth against them, but no indulgence should extend to tolerate the use of common prayer in any place whatsoever.[368] On the 18th of October, the Commons sent up sixteen propositions to the Lords, to be sent to the King, among which were these:—That the militia should be under the direction of Parliament for twenty years; that bishops, deans, and chapters, should be abolished; that the bishop’s lands should be sold; that the great officers of State should be chosen by Parliament; and that Presbytery should be established for three years.[369]
Meanwhile, the army was also engaged in the work of legislation. The agitators of sixteen regiments concocted proposals, which were laid before Parliament on the 1st November, for a reform in the parliamentary representation—for triennial parliaments—for a power in the Commons to erect and abolish all offices and courts; and that, in matters of religion, there should be no parliamentary legislation whatever—“the ways of God’s worship are not at all intrusted by us to any human power.”[370]