At this time a messenger went to the parliament of England with five demands, craving an answer peremptorily in fifteen days. That which they feared most was to engage in any treaty. This we ever pressed, but they thought it needless, since they quarrelled not with the parliament, but with the army and their adherents, with whom they were not obliged to treat, and lose the season of the English motions at home. The rumour of our war made a great stir in many parts both of England and Ireland, and put the parliament to alter much of their former way, to grant London their militia, the tour the guard of the parliament as before, the freedom of their imprisoned aldermen, the recalling of the eleven members to their places, the restoring the impeached Lords, the making Warwick admiral of the navy: the army also was forced to divide; Cromwell to Wales, where yet he is; Fairfax to the north; but in his march he was recalled to suppress the Kentishmen. The most of the shires were on their feet. Had not our unhappy discords marred our expedition; had we with a small army, with any unanimity, but appeared on the border in time, appearingly, without stroke, we might have got for the King, for our friends, for ourselves, what we pleased; but our fatal discords were as well known at London as at Edinburgh, so leisure is taken by Fairfax to quiet Kent and Essex, and by Cromwell to hold down Wales, and by others to keep in Cornwall. Lambert in Yorkshire had time to keep back Langdale from York and Lancashire, and great pains are taken to join the Presbyterians and the Independents against all the risers in the shires, and our army, as against malignants. If this conjunction go on, the King and our nation are in a hard taking.
In the meantime the parliament and commission proceed in their paper-differences. Their declaration and our representation are both printed. They go on to act, we to preach against the lawfulness of the engagement as it was stated. The rendezvouses are appointed for the shires against the 21st of May. Many presbyteries, synods, burghs, shires, gave in supplications the 1st of June, to delay the levy till the church got satisfaction. Our poor town still singular in that unhappiness, is made the first example of suffering. All of us the town-ministers went up to supplicate the Duke in Hamilton, in the name of the presbytery, to delay the lifting of our people till our supplications were answered by the parliament. I spoke oft, and at length, to his Grace and Excellency, as moderator of the presbytery. We got courteous and civil words enough; but deeds very bitter. Incontinent all our magistrates and town-council, that same night, were summoned to answer to the parliament, for not keeping with their men the rendezvous; a fault common to them with all their neighbour towns and shires, yea with the whole kingdom well near; yet they were all cast in the tolbooth, and kept there divers days; and because they professed scruple of conscience to further the levy, they were all deprived of their places, and a commission sent to the old council that before was removed, to elect new magistrates.
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But this not all our misery. Before this change, some regiments of horse and foot were sent to our town, with orders to quarter on no other but the magistrates, council, session, and their lovers. These orders were exerced with rigor. On the most religious people of our own town, huge burdens did fall. On some 10, on some 20, on others 30 soldiers, and more, did quarter; who, beside meat and drink, wine, and good cheer, and whatever they called for, did exact cruelly their daily pay, and much more. In ten days they cost a few honest, but mean people, 40,000 lb. besides plundering of these whom necessity forced to flee from their houses. Our loss and danger was not so great by James Graham.
No relief got we, but a greater mischief. Many yeomen in Clydesdale, upon fear to be levied by force, had fled from their houses to Loudon-hill, and there had met in a body of some hundred horse and foot. Sundry of the soldiers who had left the army, joined with them. Much speech began of a resistance in the west. Too many ministers, both east and west, were said to be for it, if there should appear a likelihood of a party. For myself, I was clear against all such thing: I thought we had neither a just cause nor a good authority for any such matter, and the farthest we might go was no more than suffering. While we are on these debates, Callender and Middleton come west on the Saturday the 10th June. About a fortnight before Argyle had met with Eglinton and Cassils at Irvine. This meeting gave a show to the talk of a resistance in the west. Fife also seemed to look that way: but it appears now well, that the named noblemen, whatever they met for, did conclude of no such thing; for Argyle went presently home to Inverary, and Eglinton declared himself willing to let his men be levied. However Callender made haste to make the west secure. The Clydesdale men came, on the Saturday, to Mauchline to communicate. That night Callender lay at Paisley. On Monday he made a rendezvous at Stewarton, of 16,000 good horse, and above 2,000 foot, at ten o’clock. From thence he marched to Mauchline, sending Middleton before him with 300 horse.
The noblemen and gentlemen of the shire of Ayr had sat late on the Saturday at a committee in Riccartoun: finding that Fife had yielded, that Argyle was far off and quiet, and Callender with an army in their bosom, they resolved to lay aside all thoughts of resistance, and of this advertised the people at Mauchline. They notwithstanding would not dissolve, but after the sermon in the morning of Monday, some 1200 horse and 800 foot with eight ministers go out to Mauchline muir; gentlemen or officers very few were among them. While they are about to chuse some, Middleton appears. They expected no enemy in haste, so they are amazed at the sight. The ministers went to Middleton, and capitulated for the safety of all, except the soldiers who had left their colours, whereof were 100 or 200. This written capitulation the ministers did carry to the people, and persuaded to their power their disbanding. The most of the men of Kyle and Cunningham were content to go, but the soldiers and Clydesdale men would needs fight. While they are more than an hour in this confused uncertainty, and sundry crying to fight, Middleton makes a few of his horse to charge; but the people presently fled. His soldiers abstained from killing, only a taking horse, arms, and purses. A troop of the people fleeing to a bridge, and missing the way, were forced to stand. They turned on the soldiers, and fought very stoutly. Here was the most of the slaughter; near forty fell: some say as many of the troopers as of the people. Middleton himself was sore put to it by a smith. He got some wounds; and confesses, had he not stabbed the smith, though not deadly, while he was bringing on him too great a stroke, he had undoubtedly killed him. Many of the people were wounded. By the time Callender and the army came up, the people were dispersed. They speak as if the Clydesdale horse were gone to Galloway, with a mind yet to fight; but I believe it not. There is indeed in our people a great animosity put in them, both by our preaching and discourse; also by the extreme great oppression of the soldiers; so that it fears me, if Lambert be come to Carlisle with fresh men, and have put Langdale in to the town, as they say, so soon as our army shall be entangled with the English, many of our people rise on their backs. To prevent this, they have passed a severe, and, as I think, an unjust and tyrannous act of parliament, to put all the subjects of the kingdom to subscribe their readiness with life and estate, to further the execution of the acts of this parliament, meaning, above all, the act of the levy, which the church has so much contradicted as unlawful; also to declare, that the execution of the acts of this parliament, are the most necessary and fittest means to remeid our troubles, and preserve religion; and that all who shall not subscribe this much, without delay, are justly to be holden enemies to the common cause, religion, and country. We think the best part of the land will never subscribe this, and so that all of us who refuse shall be at their mercy. If I be put to this subscription, as possibly I may shortly, I think I may once more come to you, and that to remain longer. A service to any of our regiments, or any company of English merchants, will be very welcome to me; which you will be thinking of; for however yet they let ministers alone, and I have as much favour as any other, yet I think our troubles may so increase, that I may be glad to be out of Scotland. It seems many of our people may incline to venture their lives, either alone or with the English army, if it come near, against them who now are employed. I am not for any such matter. For fear of sectaries, we have not joined with malignants. If we should join with sectaries, it would be to me abominable. We who resolve neither to join with malignants nor sectaries, may fall into great inconveniencies; but the Lord’s will be done.
Our approaching general assembly is like to be a dangerous one. The moderator’s task will be hard. I am in doubt if I shall be at his election. The last time I was near it. I am feared more for it now. I incline by absence to eschew it. You have here the posture of our affairs as now they stand. I think they shall be much worse before they amend.
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August 23, 1648.—How things go here since my last, I give you this account. So soon as the motion in the west was crushed, which now I find had proven a very high and dangerous commotion, had Callendar delayed but two or three days to see it, the Duke with diligence did draw his forces together to the border, both to ease the poor country of their free quarter and grievous oppression, as also to put Lambert from hazarding the regaining of Berwick and Carlisle. The leaguer lay long about Penrith and Appleby before the Irish troops, and foot regiments from the north came to him. At last they became a very considerable force; the greatest that went from Scotland since the beginning of these troubles, though far from the number, as I conceive, of 22,000 foot and 8,000 horse, which common report made them. Never an army was so great a charge to the country; the foot-soldier for his levy-money, cloaths, and arms, costing generally 100 lb. the horsemen 300 merks, and their free quarter being an unlimited plundering of many very good and pious people. Our state has now found, which scarcely could have been believed, that, contrary to the utmost endeavours of the church, and all their friends, they can raise and maintain an army, and do what they will at home and abroad. The wisdom of some of us has made that practick to pass, and the mystery of our weakness to be divulged much sooner than needed. Always what the end will be, a little time will try. They are now in Lancashire. Lambert has no force to look upon them. The trained bands of the shires join not with him. Cromwell, with the few he could bring with him from Pembroke castle, having marched mid-way, is forced to return to Wales, where the Lord Biron did raise a party so soon as he had left it. Fairfax is yet at Colchester. It seems the Houses, city, and committee of the shires, have of purpose withdrawn assistance, that Fairfax at Colchester, and Cromwell at Pembroke, should lie till their forces melt away, and become contemptible. If London permit the Prince to lie still in the Downs, and be master of their trade, it cannot but breed great altercations quickly. That the cursed army of sectaries should evanish in smoke, and their friends in the Houses, city, and country, be brought to their well-deserved ruin; that the King and his family should be at last in some nearness to be restored to their dignity and former condition, I am very glad: but my fear is great, that his restitution shall come by these hands, and be so ill prepared, that the glorious reformation we have suffered so much for, shall be much endangered, and the most that shall be obtained be but an Erastian weak Presbytery, with a toleration of Popery and Episcopacy at court, and of divers sects elsewhere. We, who might have been the chief instruments to have stopped this evil, are for the time so far at odds with our state, army, and King, that the despite which all three have at us is like to further much that evil in England, and draw it ere long on Scotland also; but the Lord can easily disappoint our fears. Our state, on pretence to attend the Prince, whom, by my Lord Lauderdale, according to the agreement at the Isle of Wight, they are inviting hither, but really to keep down insurrections of people in the west, are levying 1500 horse more. They suspect deadly, that the dissenters in parliament, with the help of the church, may raise the country, if their army were once deeply engaged or worsted in England. Of this I know no ground; but men who are conscious of occasioning much grief to many, fall in needless fear, and by the means of preventing, draw on their deservings. Our condition for the time is sad: The pestilence in Glasgow, Aberdeen, and Edinburgh also; the continuance of very intemperate rain upon the corns; the irreconcileable differences of church and state, looking towards a very great persecution of them who have been the best instruments both of church and state, are great signs of the wrath of God; especially the hearts of the body of the people being evidently hardened, and the minds likewise of the ministry diverted from pressing that humiliation and mourning which the times call for above all things else.
But, leaving the state, our general assembly sat down on Wednesday, July 12th. On the Saturday before, I had been tormented with a pain in my tooth, more vehemently than ever with any other pain. This put me from preaching on Sunday, and riding on the Monday. Thus far I was glad that I had a true excuse for my not appearing the first day in the assembly, whence I had resolved, however, to have been absent. Mr Robert Douglas and Mr Robert Blair preached at the fast. The assembly sat till near eight at night chusing their moderator. Every man’s addition of three to the moderator’s list, albeit an equitable and satisfactory way, yet it proves very longsome. Mr Robert Douglas named for his two, Mr Andrew Cant and Mr George Gillespie; the assembly added Mr David Dickson, Mr Robert Blair, and Mr John Smith. Many named me; but I was well away. Mr Blair was doubtless the meetest man; but because lately he had moderated, he got few votes. Mr Andrew Cant got two; Mr David Dickson none. It went betwixt Mr George Gillespie and Mr Jo. Smith. Mr George did much deprecate the burden; as he had great reason, both for his health’s sake, and other great reasons: yet he carried it.