Records of the Kirk of Scotland / containing the Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies from 1638 downwards, as authenticated by the clerks of assembly.

by Church of Scotland. General Assembly

Ye desire me to hasten to the Hague, and deal with such who are like to have credit with the King’s Majesty, for persuading him to do what you require of him, viz. to join with Scotland in both the covenants. The persons whom you designed were either absent out of Holland, as Dr Rivet, Apollonius, or such who are not of credit with courtiers, or such who are known to make use only of the court-favour for their private ends; and therefore I did bethink myself of another mean to effectuate that end, which was, by addressing myself to the Prince of Orange his Highness. For this purpose, I took pains to inform myself, the best I could, of the present posture of counsels suggested to the King’s Majesty, and the reasons for them; and I found, that all these designed by our late Sovereign to be his four counsellors while he was Prince of Wales, viz. Cottington, Andover, Culpepper, and Hyde, advised he should go directly for Ireland. This did James Graham urge also with great vehemency; and if that would not prevail, others were of advice, that the King was to come to Scotland armata manu, because no trust could be given to such who were leading men in our parliament; partly, because they thought there was reason to suspect the sincerity and reality of some who used such a fair invitation only to get the King in their power, whose advancement they thought never more to procure than they did his father’s; partly, because they thought, that though these who invite him do really intend, yet they are not able to maintain him against the English usurpers, if they do not recal their late acts against such who have had a hand in the engagement, and join all their powers together. But this, say they, they will never do, and so they shall not be able to protect the King; but being straitened by the English, will be content to buy their peace with quitting the King. And here, to make this probable, pregnant instances are brought in of my Lord Chancellor’s papers against the delivery of the King to the parliament, pressed by unanswerable reasons, which yet were neglected altogether, by delivery of the King within few months after. The other instance was, of the treating of our commissioners with the late King at the Isle of Wight, and our not performing our promise accordingly. But there is a third party, who, though they be not of the King’s council, yet, out of love to him and their country, rejected the two former projects as bloody, to the utter ruining the King and all Protestants; and did by all means labour to persuade his Majesty to go to Scotland, upon the very same terms they did require; that if he did not go, and that hastily, with a resolution to seal the covenants, he would alienate the hearts of all the Protestants in all his kingdoms from him: and this was pressed by the Earls of Lauderdale, Callendar, and Lanerk, with such evident self-denial of their own interests, as being grievously censured by this present parliament, that had the King been left to himself, it was thought he could not but follow their advice. This honourable carriage of these three noblemen I can bear witness unto, as having heard them protest it in private, and understand it from others also, who are our enemies, and do curse the hour they have been cast here to spoil the game they thought sure. Believe me, I do acknowledge the good providence of God in casting them here at this time. They have done more good than if they had been sitting in parliament.

My next was, to find out whereto the Prince of Orange was inclined. For this purpose, I went to two of the States Generals, of whose intimacy with the Prince’s councils all men did speak. I found them not only clear in their own judgement for the King’s going to Scotland, and embracing the covenant, but that this also was the Prince’s mind. From them I went to sundry others; but from none did I get surer information than from the Lord Beverweert, Governor of Bergen-op-zoom, natural son to Prince Maurice, a nobleman truly pious, and of a public spirit, resolute to employ his credit for religion, and of high account with the Prince, in whose councils he has chief influence.

Now having found whereto the Prince inclined, my next thoughts were to understand so much out of his own mouth, and to confirm in him what good resolution I should find in him; especially to remove some scruples and objections, wherewith many told me he was daily assaulted. For this end, a countryman of ours promised to bring me to the Prince; but performed it not, or at least would have me to wait so long upon it, that I should be made to think it some great favour; for this court-policy, I learned, which made me resolved to go in my old way, and by the mediation of one of his Highness’s counsellors, I was brought into him, and had the freedom of a long hour’s speech, where I found God’s assistance and blessing; his assistance, in enabling me both with words and matter, for it was in Dutch: and his blessing, in making the Prince so attentive to what I said, so desirous to know the true grounds of things, so apprehensive, and so fully resolved with us for his Majesty’s going to Scotland upon the conditions proponed. I shall give you a short and compendious account of what passed then.

After I had thanked his Highness for his favour in granting me so ready audience, and desired to know if I might, with his good liking, propone what I intended in Latin or English, rather than Dutch, he desired me to do it in Dutch. Then I first condoled the parricide of our late King his father; “showed how it was abhorred by the estates of our kingdom; how, contrary to our covenant, the end of which, among other things, was the safety of the King’s person; how not only the state had proclaimed his son to be their King, but the ministry in the kingdom also, according to their places had done their duty, and had given assurance of their loyal affection to our present King, by their letters to him, and by their care that he may be persuaded to shun the wicked counsels which drove his late father to such counsellors; that they had given me orders to deal with all who could contribute any thing to the advancement of this good work; and that I could look upon none from whom I had reason to expect more good than his Highness, who, by being instrumental therein, would gain greater honour than by gaining of towns,” &c.

He answered, “That there was nothing more acceptable to him than that he was looked upon as one who would employ himself for the advancement of religion, and that now, if ever, the reformed religion was in danger; that there were no probable means to prevent the utter extirpation of it, but by espousing the young King’s quarrel; and that he, for his part, could not but pity the young King, torn as it were betwixt such contrary counsels; that the reasons produced by all parties seemed to be specious, yet how fair soever men did shew, he thought it madness for a Protestant to chuse rather to trust to a Papist, than a Protestant who minded truly.” “And if ever,” said I, “any state minded truly, it is our present state; their hastiness in proclaiming, that chearfulness of all joining together, do witness this; and now their readiness to espouse the King’s cause, if he first will espouse God’s cause, though they know any undertakings of this kind to be joined with great dangers.” “But what,” said he, “maybe expected of the ministers?” And here he spoke much of the great influence their advice has on the estates. To this I answered, “That whatsoever any Prince can expect of good subjects, that may our King look for at the hands of the ministers, if he employ his power for the honouring of God; and that all the power they have in the hearts of the people will be for the King’s advantage.” Here he spoke something of the great preciseness of our ministers, who would not be content with that about religion which our late King had granted, and wherewith the parliament of England was well nigh satisfied. Here I was ready to have answered; but he passed this, and spoke of the conditions we require of the King, viz. his accepting and entering into the covenants. And I, at his desire, having explained what these covenants were, and how distinguishable. “Then,” said he, “he will be easily brought to subscribe this covenant which concerns Scotland alone;” (he meant our national covenant;) “but the other covenant betwixt Scotland and England, he feared should find greater difficulty: 1. Because all the King’s counsellors, viz. these four English, would be against it: 2. Because it required a delivery up to justice those who are called malignants: 3. Because, as by subscribing it the King would please us, so he would displease the Papists in Ireland, and all foreign Popish princes, who will not be so foolish as to favour him, whose advancement is the ruin of their religion in his dominions. Other reasons,” says he, “are urged, and I shall propone them ere ye go.” So I began to answer: and, first, “I shewed, that the first covenant of Scotland only provides as great security for religion as the second doth; and therefore the King’s counsellors, who advise him to subscribe the one, and not the other, for fear of displeasing the Papists, speak they know not what; for there is not a Papist who is not more displeased with the first than with the second.” And he asking, “Why are the King’s counsellors so much against it?” I answered, “That they durst not do otherwise than dissuade our young King from the solemn league, since they had ever dissuaded his father from it. If they would now change, the young King, and your Highness, who are so greatly interested, should have reason to look upon them as men whose consciences did condemn them for abusing the father.” Here I took occasion to represent to his Highness, “the great inconvenience of the abode of such counsellors about the King’s person; that if a course was not taken to banish them from his presence, they would readily prove as unhappy instruments to the son as they have been to the father; and that they, or any who advise the King to slight the preservation of Scotland, and to go to Ireland, choosing rather he should not reign than that they should not reign with him; men of whose religion, the world, to this hour, was never satisfied.” So far as I could mark, his Highness seemed not to be displeased with this. “As for the King delivering up of all malignants to justice,” I answered, “the covenants do not require that all malignants should be punished, but only tried, and left to the judgement of the parliament.” “But,” says he, “ye call any man a malignant whom ye please, though he profess he adheres to the covenant, and all his aims are for the ends of it.” Here he brought in, for instance, the acts of our present parliament, declaring all who had any hand for the engagement incapable of any place of trust during their whole lives; “and yet,” says he, “the world did read their declaration, which spake very fair, and the parliament did own that work: I would therefore gladly know who are the malignants; for I find, that there is no argument that so works upon his Majesty as that.” Here I profess I was at a strait. For to have given him such a character of a malignant as the commissioners of the general assembly did give some two years since, that would not have served the turn, the case being now altogether altered, is so far, that he is to be thought more a malignant who approveth the bloody acts of that treacherous crew, now usurping the name of a parliament in England, than any who did ever fight against them; and therefore I came to the distinguishing of malignants, “some whose aims appeared evidently to be for their own selves, either that they might abide in a capacity to tyrannize over their fellow-subjects, or to raise their fortunes, already desperate, by the publick troubles. Such malignants were justly unpardonable; and they had none to blame for the ruin of their families and themselves but their own obstinacy. As for others, in whom it doth appear, that private and by-ends have not set them a work, their case is pitied; and it has ever been the custom of the parliaments of Scotland to fail rather in too great clemency than cruelty.” “Well,” says the Prince, “if ye that are ministers will not employ your utmost credit for uniting of all your country, (I mean not,” says he, “of such who have been bloody obstinate enemies to you,) ye may lose both yourselves and the cause; and I know there is nothing that should more confound the counsels of all your enemies, than to see you forget quarrels among yourselves; for this, they say, How can Scotland, thus divided, be able to do any thing of moment, since the forces of the party which now rules are but little enough to suppress their enemies; I therefore do as earnestly recommend this to you, that you would acquaint your ministers with it, as they by you do recommend their business. If I did not think it tending to the enabling of you to make your party good, I should not open my mouth about it.” Here he enlarged himself very pertinently and full upon the project of an act of oblivion; and told me, “That the party who now rules, will not be so ill advised as to reject this motion, if they would but consider how suddenly things may be changed.” I assure you he could tell me faults committed in our private government, whereof I was wholly ignorant, which he says he learned from the English council, when they were debating about the very lawfulness of our Scottish parliament, whether lawfully indicted, maintaining strongly, that their committee, who called it, had no power, because they had not subscribed the acts of the former parliaments; “but,” said he, “I quickly crushed such a motion in the very shell.”

“But,” says he, “the King, by subscribing that covenant, will disengage all Papists from his service, both in Ireland and elsewhere, and all but Presbyterians; for it obliges the King to root out Papistry every where in his dominions, which he is not able to do in the condition wherein he is.” I answered, “That same argument our late Sovereign used; but how damageful his going about to please Papists was, doleful experience has taught, for Ireland especially. It has been that which has withdrawn the party of the Protestants from him more than any thing else. And what advantage took the Irish Papists at the King’s weakness? When they capitulated with him, what little performances did the King find of their big promises? and since ever he began to meddle with them, did not his condition decay daily? That the condition of Protestants called Presbyterians, in Great Britain and Ireland, is not so mean, but if the King would chearfully join himself to them, as caput et vindex fœderis, there would be no doubt of great and good success. As for the particulars, how much they could do, I durst not take it upon me to speak out. I was sure, that in all Scotland there was not a man who would not be for the King; and for one Independent, there would be found three Presbyterians; and the rest, being either hierachical men, or Papists, if they would not assist the King, they would far less assist the traiterous sectaries.” “I perceive,” says his Highness, “what ye mean; but how many Presbyterians soever there be, if ye live at a distance, as I hear ye do now in Scotland, ye will be able to do nothing at all. It is a work fitting your calling to unite the hearts of all the great men whom you know to be Protestants.” And here I suspecting, that it might be his Highness did mean Montrose, as they call him, who is frequently at court, and more familiar with many than welcome, I said, “I hoped his Highness did not mean of that man, whose apostacy, perjuries, and unheard-of cruelty, had made so odious to all in our country, that they could not hear of his name.” He presently gave me to understand, that he meant not him, or any such; for by the comportment of our Scottish noblemen at court now, he perceives how odious James Graham must be at home; for they will not salute or speak to him; nay, not look where they think he is: and this I have observed with my own eyes. At last, having answered all his questions, I repeated my desire, and humbly prayed his Highness to continue in that holy and wholesome resolution; and to improve his credit with our King, that a satisfactory answer may be given with all haste, shewing the danger of delay.

“But,” said he, “when will the commissioners come to his Majesty?” I answered, “I thought not until the gentleman returned with an answer to Scotland.” He asked me, “If I knew who they should be?” I answered, “I knew not.” “Will any ministers come?” said he. I answered, “That I questioned not but some would come who would be able to satisfy all his Highness’s scruples better than I possibly could.” “I wish,” says he, “some ministers would come, for several reasons.” I replied, “That they shall come the more chearfully, when they shall understand how much your Highness doth engage yourself for persuading the King’s Majesty to go to Scotland, with a resolution to subscribe both the covenants.” Then said the Prince, “Ye may confidently assure them, that I shall do my utmost endeavour; and come ye to me to-morrow, and I shall tell you what you may expect.”

So away went I, and to-morrow, being admitted to his presence, he told me, “He had made it his work yesternight to persuade the King’s Majesty, that the resolution was taken to satisfy the desires of the parliament of Scotland, and that in all haste, letters were to be written of that in answer to what the King received.” And here again he recommended the care of uniting all our noblemen in one, in passing by what faults have been the last year; and told me, it should be most welcome news to him, if I should let him know that any thing was done in reference to this.

Thus, cousin, ye have the substance of that discourse, by which ye may see I have obtained the end of your letter, and that in a fitter way than ye prescribed. I most earnestly intreat you, that you would represent to the reverend brethren of the commission, how much the fame of rigidity, used by them against the last year’s engagers, is like to endanger the reputation of our kirk abroad, and like also to make presbyterial government hateful. My heart trembles when I think of this; for I am certainly informed, by a printer, that that infamous person, who goes under the name of ——, has a big volume ready, of the late practices of the Scottish kirks in the exercise of discipline, which ye may think are willingly furnished to him by some banished Scotsman. 2. That all lovers of our cause and nation do unanimously judge, that there are no probable means of our safety, if we unite not, and pack not up all quarrels amongst ourselves; if there be not an amnesty for the last year’s engagement; for such had reason to challenge the English army overpowering the parliament, for breach of covenants, and that your fears of mischief against the King were not causeless, he is blamed who shall not. If there were faults in the compassing your votes, as I doubt not but there have been very great ones, yet let not desire of justice against these circumstantial failings, lead us to seek the ruin of these men; or, by excluding them from government, deprive the kingdom of their abilities, and weaken ourselves so, that we shall not be able to oppose these treacherous and bloody sectaries to purpose. If any of our reverend brethren had been here to have been ear-witness what three of these Lords, now put in our first classes, did here, in opposition to the English council and Montrose, and all others who were for Ireland, sure I am you would have blessed God who brought them hither in this nick of time. If any commissioners shall come, I entreat you, see that some of the ablest of our ministers come also, who may be able to stand against Dr Stuart and such like, if occasion should serve, and may serve for the honour of our kirks with the Dutch also.

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