‘We do not know yet positively, but we suspect a great deal, and will know all soon, I expect.’
Steve was very tired that evening, but he saw that many Burghers had had a very hard struggle to arrive in time, and that most of them had slept even less than he had done the last few days, and not one of them complained, or tried to shirk duty, therefore he volunteered for guard duty or anything else that he might be required for. He was then appointed to be one of the guards escorting the officers to Pretoria.
CHAPTER XVI
JOHANNESBURG DURING THE CRISIS
Let us take a look at what Johannesburg and Pretoria has been doing during the time Steve had been away from home.
Ever since the publication of the famous National Union Manifesto, Johannesburg had been in a state of turmoil and excitement. At first everything was said in whispers, and all revolutionary acts and preparations were done in stealth; only the Press belonging to the anti-Boer organisation kept up its usual vituperations of the Government, in addition to revolutionary articles well calculated to incite the population to a rebellious state. There seemed to be some electric depression in the atmosphere. Everybody seemed to distrust his neighbour, especially the guilty plotters seemed to dread detection. But soon speech and action became bolder, as it was seen the Government was disinclined to take any strong measures. The policy of the Government seemed to have been one of gentleness and conciliation. All the Government officials had received orders to avoid giving offence, or to do aught to incite the populace, or cause a disturbance of the peace; particular stress was laid on the order to avoid making a show of armed force, either of police or armed Burghers.
This was taken as a confession of weakness on the part of the Government by the revolutionists, and it was resolved to follow up the apparent advantage gained. Open enlistment now went on. Every scamp, ex-prisoner, burglar or vagabond who was willing to take up arms, was enlisted.
But now the weakness of the revolutionists became apparent. When it came to fighting nobody wanted to fight. The thousands of English miners upon whom the capitalistic schemers had reckoned, failed them. These miners were sensible men, and wise in their generation. They argued in this way:
‘Why should we fight? We have nothing to fight for; we have everything we can wish for; we are living in a labourers’ paradise; we are as free as we have never been in our own country; we are prosperous, and pay only 18s. 6d. a year in taxes—that is when we choose to do so. What do we care about the franchise, we are in this country to make money, and we are making it hand over fist. We did not come here to engage in political strife, or to fight the battles of scheming and plotting capitalists who would reward us when once they are in power, by combining against us, and bringing us down to the low level in which our brethren in Europe and America have been brought by capitalists. No, Messrs Cecil Rhodes, Phillips, Leonard, Farrar and company will have to fight their own battles, we are not going to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for them, and then be kicked for our pains—dead off!’ Thus the honest Cornishmen and other miners argued. But all the same these miners were patriotic enough, or maybe they did not feel interest in the subject enough to take any active part in the strife at all; be the reason what it may, they refused to take the part of either side, and many of them left the country altogether for the time being. We think, if any were required, this was argument enough, that the real working men, the people (who are generally the first to revolutionise, where revolution is wanted), refused absolutely to have anything to do with this so-called revolution. Not only did they refuse to fight gratuitously, but when the option was given them, either to take up arms or to clear, they chose the latter alternative. This, we say, was argument enough to show that the revolution—so-called—was simply a capitalistic plot, created with mercenary motives.
The leaders—self-elected—of the National Union had assumed another name by this time; they now called themselves the ‘Reform Committee’—a name which was to become notorious indeed all the world over a little later on. To gain as much influence as possible both with the outside world as with the local populace, they added to themselves the names of most of the leading men of the Rand. Many of the latter, although members of the Reform Committee, and advertised as such, were innocent of any evil intentions. Some refused absolutely to figure as members, while others consented to their names being used when assured by the original conspirators that nothing unconstitutional would be done, and that they would only agitate for certain concessions from the Government. These deluded persons of course had to suffer for their weakness later on.