Jefferson and Hamilton

by Claude G. Bowers

Thus through the summer and autumn and into the winter the political preachers continued their assaults, and the Jeffersonians replied without undue reverence for the cloth. Everywhere the Federalist leaders were assuming a pious pose, even Sedgwick and Ames and Otis were becoming religious, and the Democrats greeted their pose with ribald mirth. Into an amusing imaginary diary of Jonathan Dayton of the soiled reputation, Duane was writing the notation: ‘Went to church—must go to church—Federalists must be pious—‘twill do a great deal of good.’[1828] When an appeal was made to Catholics to vote against Jefferson, Duane dryly commented: ‘We presume the ... reason to be that it was owing to Mr. Jefferson that the Catholic priest was saved from being hanged for going into ... Virginia ... and that to his toleration law it was owing that the Catholic can now build churches and adore God without incurring penalties of fine and imprisonment.’[1829]

Thus religion in virulent form fought with politics in the campaign of 1800.

V

But this sort of fighting and sniping was not working to the disadvantage of Adams—and that was of some concern to Hamilton, who had concluded that he would be happier under the presidency of Jefferson than under a continuation of Adams. Scurrility there was in abundance, but Adams suffered little. Occasional references were made to his vanity, his love of pomp, his partiality to titles, and to his writings as evidence of monarchical tendencies, but these were mild enough. With the political preachers and editors abusing Jefferson, and with the Democrats attacking Hamilton, it was time for some one to assault Adams—and Hamilton delegated himself to the task. During the summer, Adams, smarting under the discovery of the treachery of his party associates, had been freely talking in unguarded conversation of an ‘English party,’ and naming Hamilton and his friends. This furnished the pretext.

On the first of August, Hamilton wrote a note to Adams asking a verification or denial of the report that he had said there was a British faction with Hamilton at the head. This was sent to Cabot for transmission to Braintree. The cunning leader of the Essex Junto, in acknowledging the receipt of the letter, suggested that perhaps the election of Jefferson would be necessary for the reunification of the Federalist Party. Were Pinckney chosen, he would encounter the venomous hostility of the Adamsites. How would it do for the Federalists to throw their support to Burr? Many Federalists favored such action.[1830] Adams ignored the letter from Hamilton, as the latter unquestionably supposed he would. Two days after its transmission and before it could have possibly reached the President, Hamilton wrote Wolcott of his ‘impatience’ at the latter’s delay in sending the ‘statement of facts which you promised me.’ The trusted member of Adams’s official family had promised his chief’s most bitter foe the ammunition for attack. It was plain, said Hamilton, working on Wolcott’s fears, that unless something were done the Adams faction ‘will completely run us down in public opinion.’ Had not Wolcott’s name been bandied about with Hamilton’s as a member of the British party?[1831]

Later in the month he wrote McHenry, then nursing his wrath in retirement, of his plan to publish a pamphlet defending himself and friends and attacking Adams. He was prepared to put his name to it, but this he could not do without ‘its being conclusively inferred that as to every material fact I must have derived my information from members of the Administration.’ To both McHenry and Wolcott he sent a copy of the letter.[1832] At the moment he wrote, he was having difficulty with some of his advisers. Cabot and Ames had discussed the wisdom of Hamilton’s putting his name to the pamphlet, and both agreed it would be indiscreet. It should be remembered that Adams might be reëlected. Hamilton’s sponsorship of the pamphlet would give it force with men who needed no conversion, while with his enemies ‘it would be converted into new proof that you are a dangerous man.’[1833] A month later, Hamilton was still in doubt about affixing his name, but evidently anxious for encouragement to do so. Thus he wrote Wolcott that ‘anonymous publications cannot affect anything,’ but that ‘some of the most delicate of the facts stated I hold from the three ministers, yourself particularly, and I do not count myself at liberty to take the step without your permission.’[1834] On October 1st, Hamilton sent a second letter to Adams, through Cabot, who, ten days later, wrote that it had been transmitted,[1835] but no reply was made. Nothing could have suited Hamilton better. Thus the pamphlet was written and sent to the editor of the New York ‘Gazette’ to print. It bore the name of Hamilton. It was to be guarded from general publicity and sent only to leading Federalists over the country.

And right here the uncanny cleverness of Burr again intervened. The suave little black-eyed master of espionage had known Hamilton’s slate for the Assembly within an hour after the caucus had adjourned; when Hamilton’s caucus decided to ask Jay to call an extra session of the Legislature to defeat the effect of the election, the fact was heralded in the papers the next day; and now Burr was to see a copy of the printed pamphlet before the eye of its author had seen it. Just how he got possession of the copy will never be known. His intimate political associate and authorized biographer merely says that he learned it was in the press and ‘arrangements were accordingly made for a copy as soon as the printing of it was complete.’[1836] Parton has a more colorful story. Burr was an early riser, and, walking in the street near Hamilton’s house one morning, he met a boy carrying a covered basket. He always spoke to children.

‘What have you there, my lad?’

‘Pamphlets for General Hamilton.’

Whereupon he requested and received a copy, immediately summoned Davis and two others to his house, where extracts were copied and hastened with the utmost speed to ‘The Aurora’ and the New London ‘Bee.’[1837] There is still another version of the general circulation that neither biographer mentions—that of the editor of the New York ‘Gazette,’ who was forced to an explanation in self-defense. The general circulation was ‘contrary to the expectation ... that it would be restricted to particular quarters. The editor of the Gazette thinks it his duty to exonerate Mr. Hamilton by making it known that the thing has happened in direct opposition to his views. He had given the most precise instructions that the circulation might be deferred; but the Editor, having been informed that by a breach of confidence or indiscretion somewhere it was likely that extracts might appear in some newspapers, communicated the intelligence to Mr. Hamilton, who ... being about to depart for Albany left a letter with a friend directing him that if such a thing should happen, then to permit the letter to be thrown into circulation.’[1838] This explanation did not appear, however, until Hamilton found that the tremendous sensation the pamphlet created was not reacting entirely in his favor. And for a sensation there was cause enough.