Fenno and Webster were working themselves into a frenzy over the letter to Philip Mazzei, the Italian, in which Jefferson had frankly discussed American politics. It contained nothing that Jefferson had not repeatedly said to Washington’s face. ‘An Anglican aristocratical-monarchical party’—this the theme. But he had hinted that Washington had been captured by the aristocrats and monarchists—and here was treason. Webster said so with all his vocabulary, and there was some ridiculous talk of impeaching the author of the letter after his election to the Vice-Presidency, but throughout it all Jefferson made no public comment, no denial, no explanation. He was ever the consummate politician.[1163] The announced decision of Washington to retire made Jefferson’s candidacy a certainty, whether he willed it or not. Three years before, the Democrats had decided. All through the summer and autumn that was the understanding.
To the Hamiltonians the retirement of Washington was peculiarly distressing. On most controversial subjects he had ultimately adopted their view. More than one of their unpopular measures had been saved with their war-cry, ‘Stand with Washington.’ With Washington eliminated, it was vitally important to Hamilton and his leaders to find a successor who would be more or less subservient. Hamilton himself was out of the question for the reason that Hamilton had given—he did not have the confidence of the people. Jay, who would have been the second choice, would have been a red rag to the ‘rabble’ in 1796. Few of the other leaders, with all their brilliancy and personal charm, could have made a popular appeal; and Adams was thoroughly distrusted and disliked by the Hamiltonians because of his independence.
Under these circumstances, Hamilton and King, consulting, conceived the idea of persuading Patrick Henry to be a candidate. Just what appealed to them has never been satisfactorily explained, for Henry had been among the most bitter and brilliant enemies of the ratification of the Constitution. With the acquisition of wealth, great changes had occurred in the old patriot’s manner of thinking, and he had come to lean strongly toward the Federalists.[1164] Fear of Jefferson and a desire to break the solidarity of Virginia’s vote may have been a determining motive. That an effort was being made to find a candidate who would appeal to the South and West appears in King’s letter to Hamilton.[1165] Whatever the motive, the decision to offer Henry the support of the Hamiltonians was reached, and John Marshall was asked to approach him.
The old orator was living quietly and happily at ‘Red Hill,’ his home in the country, where he liked nothing better than to drag his chair out under the trees, tilt it against one of the trunks, and, with a can of cool spring water beside him, look out lazily across the green valley. There, with his family and friends about him, he asked nothing better than to be let alone.[1166] Motives of discretion and the limitations of a letter dissuaded the chosen emissary from writing to ‘Red Hill,’ but Henry Lee, who knew Henry more intimately, was asked to write him an intimation of what was in the air. No answer was forthcoming. Very soon, however, the old patriot would be in Richmond and Marshall would then sound him, and, discovering an indisposition to embark on the enterprise, would ‘stop where prudence may direct.’[1167] Thus Henry was cautiously approached, without being given any intimation of the source of the suggestion, and was found ‘unwilling to embark in the business.’[1168] Thus ended the flirtation with Patrick Henry, with the friendly conspirators hidden behind the fan.
Anticipating a declination, Hamilton and King had canvassed the availability of Thomas Pinckney, the American Minister in London. ‘It is an idea of which I am fond in various lights,’ wrote Hamilton to King. ‘I rather wish to be rid of Patrick Henry that we may be at full liberty to take up Pinckney.’[1169] This was due to the feeling that ‘to his former stock of popularity he will now add the good will of those who have been peculiarly gratified with the Spanish treaty’—which he had negotiated.[1170] Thus the inner circle of the Hamiltonians settled the matter for themselves without reference to the rank and file of the party.
XI
Thomas Pinckney was one of the finest gentlemen of his time. Tall, slender, erect, with handsome features and a princely bearing, he was a superb figure of a man. His manners were those of the natural aristocrat; he was courteous, dignified, and charming. A perfect self-control was reflected in the repose of his features and the tone of his voice. Though of ardent temper, he kept a tight rein upon it, and he became a master of persuasion and conciliation. A man of artistic temperament, with a touch of architectural genius, he planned his own houses, all imposing, and his town house in Charleston was the first to have self-supporting stairs four stories high. His library was one of the most extensive in the country. While lacking luster, there was a charm in his personality and a solidity in his character that appealed to men of conservative disposition. Born of wealthy parents, he had been educated in England, at Westminster, Oxford, and the Temple, and he had attended the fencing and riding school of Angelo in London. He had been trained as one destined to command. Through his English experiences he passed without yielding one jot of his robust Americanism, and he fought in the Revolution and was once left wounded on the field of battle.
As Governor of South Carolina, he had served with distinction; as Minister to England, he had stubbornly maintained positions that Jay was to yield; and as Minister to Spain he had electrified the country with a signal triumph. Matching wits with the celebrated Godoy, he had secured a treaty establishing our southern limits from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, making the river our western boundary, and throwing it open to our navigation with an outlet to the Gulf and the privileges of the port of New Orleans. It was this achievement, hailed with enthusiasm in sections where the Federalists were weak, that led to his selection by Hamilton and King.
XII
The campaign of 1796 was one of scurrility, albeit both Jefferson and Adams, favored by the rank and file of the Federalist Party, comported themselves becomingly. The party press teemed with silly attacks and personalities. Adams was a monarchist, an aristocrat, a panter after titles, an enemy of the masses, the defender of the red-coated assassins of the Boston massacre; and Jefferson was a French tool, a friend of anarchy, the inciter of the Whiskey Insurrection, a foe to public credit, an atheist, an enemy of the Constitution,[1171] an incompetent in office, and a plagiarist who had stolen his essay on weights and measures from a pamphlet with which Noah Webster was familiar.[1172] Worse still: Adet, the French Minister, ‘better supplied with money than Faucet,’ was distributing it liberally in an effort to elect Jefferson, and had sent agents into the western country in his behalf. Had not Gallatin been seen ‘in frequent conferences with Adet?’[1173] A grave disappointment, this Adet who had such a ‘handsome wife’ and had seemed ‘mild tempered, well educated and no Jacobin.’[1174] Then came Adet’s letter to Pickering reviewing the complaints of France against the American Government, and mentioning Jefferson pleasantly in connection with his official acts—and the Federalists had an issue. France was trying to dictate a President to America. Her Minister was electioneering. Fenno and Noah Webster were hysterical, Hamilton was pleased, Pickering, the new Secretary of State, was frothing so furiously as to disgust the Federalist leader in New York.[1175] Madison was disgusted too,[1176] and the notorious Judge Chase was demanding the jailing of editors who had dared publish the Adet letter which had been given to the press.[1177] What though Bache did point out that the letter was written on instructions from Paris given before the announcement of Washington’s retirement—it was a campaign screed![1178] Soon it was the paramount issue, and the ‘Aurora,’ accepting it, was urging Fenno to spare some of his indignation for ‘the scourging of an American at a British gangway as Captain Jessup was scourged,’ and the shooting of a brother of a member of Congress trying to escape from a British press gang.[1179] Meanwhile, strange things were happening behind the screen in Federalist circles.