“’I wish to state further, that while the United States recognize all rights which the conqueror gains under the laws of civilized war, they do not approve of war for the purpose of territorial aggrandizement, nor of the violent dismemberment of a nation except as a last resort, in extreme emergencies.’
“But, your Excellency, the efforts of General Hurlbut and General Kilpatrick came to naught, and on November 1, 1881, Mr. William Henry Trescot was sent to Peru, Bolivia, and Chile, as a special envoy. To him, in the course of his instructions, Mr. Blaine said:—
“’Already by force of its occupation, the Chilean Government has collected great sums from Peru; and it has been openly and officially asserted in the Chilean Congress that these military impositions have furnished a surplus beyond the cost of maintaining its armies of occupation. The annexation of Tarapacá, which, under proper administration, would yield annually a sufficient sum to pay a large indemnity, seems to us inconsistent with the execution of justice.’
“Mr. Trescot’s mission failed as had the others, but, your Excellency, it did not fail through any fault of his: it failed because of the change in the policy at Washington. While this special envoy was absent upon his delicate mission, the assassination of President Garfield occurred and Mr. Arthur became President. With his advent there came into office a new Secretary of State, Mr. Frelinghuysen, who at once altered the policy of his predecessor, and Mr. Trescot’s instructions were changed by wire. In the meanwhile, your Excellency, Peru, not knowing of a change of heart at Washington, had continued the struggle, believing that this great country would continue upon the lines which it had laid down and not permit the seizure of territory by Chile. Not content with modifying Mr. Trescot’s instructions, Mr. Frelinghuysen recalled that gentleman to Washington. Fully appreciating the gravity of the situation, although he was no longer an envoy, Mr. Trescot, on June 5, 1882, wrote Mr. Frelinghuysen as follows:—
“’If the United States intend to intervene effectively to prevent the disintegration of Peru, the time has come when that intention should be avowed. If it does not intend to do so, still more urgent is the necessity that Chile and Peru should understand exactly where the action of the United States ends. It would be entirely beyond my duty to discuss the character of the consequences of either line of conduct; but I trust that you will not deem that I am going beyond that duty in impressing upon the government that the present position of the United States is an embarrassment to all the belligerents, and that it should be terminated as promptly as possible.’
“Two weeks later, your Excellency, newly accredited envoys were sent to Peru and Chile, Dr. Cornelius A. Logan to the latter nation and Mr. James R. Partridge to Peru. The instructions of these gentlemen, your Excellency, were no longer declarative that Chile had no moral right to demand territory of Peru, but they contained the recommendation that Peru be urged to make the best terms possible, in order that the war might be brought to an end.
“Mr. President, the good offices of the United States produced the sole effect of encouraging Peru in her resistance, confident, as she was, of their efficacy, thus greatly aggravating the condition of the vanquished nation, only to find herself forsaken in the end and defenceless in the hands of her implacable enemy. In this regard, Mr. President, I should like to repeat the words of Mr. Hurlbut. In his official note to Mr. Blaine, dated Lima, October 26, 1881, he wrote:—
“’If the United States, after denying to these people every application for aid from any European state, shall themselves refuse any help in their desperate situation, it would seem to be almost a breach of national faith. I myself am a profound believer in the right and duty of the United States to control the political questions of this continent, to the exclusion of any and all European dictation. This I understand to be the opinion held also by the American people and to have been asserted by Congress. This I also understand to be the doctrine of the administration which sent me to this place.’”
The President was silent for several minutes after Mr. Dartmoor had finished, then he said:—
“You have placed the matter before me very concisely, sir. I am of course familiar with the details, but I never had my attention called to them in such a brief yet forceful manner.”