“We are far behind them. Nine years ago, in 1912, we stood next to Great Britain in naval strength; but since then we have steadily fallen back. Germany has a dozen super-dreadnoughts, ships of over 30,000 tons, while we have six. Germany has twenty dreadnoughts of from 20,000 to 30,000 tons to our ten. She has four battle-cruisers, while we have none. She has a hundred destroyers to our twenty-five.”
“I understand that these figures refer to the fleets that are actually going into battle?”
“Yes. Germany’s entire naval strength is a third more than that. I have accurate information. You see, our fleet is outclassed.”
“But it will fight?”
“Of course our fleet will fight; but—we can’t get to our base at Guantánamo—the German fleet blocks the way. For years we have begged that Guantánamo be fortified; but our request was always refused.”
“Why?”
“Ah, why? Why, in 1915, were we refused eighteen thousand men on the active list that were absolutely necessary to man our ships? Why have we practically no naval reserves? Why, in 1916, were the President’s reasonable demands for naval preparedness refused by Congress? I will tell you why! Because politics has been considered more than efficiency in the handling of our navy. Vital needs have been neglected, so that a show of economy could be made to the people and get their votes. Economy! Good heavens! you see where it has brought us!”
On the morning of July 11, as I was breakfasting in the hotel with Admiral Allyn, there was great excitement outside, and, going to the piazza, we saw a large airship approaching rapidly from the northwest at the height of about a mile. It was one of the non-rigid Parseval type, evidently a German.
“A scout from the enemy’s fleet,” said Admiral Allyn.
“That means they are not far away?”