In the Council of State a discussion once arose respecting[respecting] the plan of a decree. The result of this discussion has now escaped my recollection, but I know the subject was to determine that the kings of the Imperial Families, occupying foreign thrones, should leave their titles and all the etiquette of royalty on the frontier, and only resume them on quitting France. The Emperor replying to some one who had started objections to this, and at the same time explaining the motives for the measure, said: “But for these monarchs I reserve in France a still higher title; they shall be more than kings: they shall be French Princes.”
I might multiply quotations of this kind to an endless length: they must be engraven in the recollection of all the members of the Council, as well as in mine. It will perhaps be a matter of surprise that, having seen the Emperor so frequently, and having heard him deliver sentiments such as these, I should have said, I did not know him at the period when I followed him to St. Helena. My answer is that at that time I felt, with regard to the Emperor, more of admiration and enthusiasm than of real love, arising from an intimate knowledge of his character. Even in the palace, we were assailed by so many absurd reports respecting the private character and conduct of Napoleon, and we had so little direct communication with him, that, by dint of hearing the same stories repeated over and over, I imbibed, in spite of myself, a certain degree of doubt and distrust. He was described to be of a dissembling and cunning disposition, and it was affirmed that he could, when in public, make a parade of fine sentiment, which he was totally incapable of feeling; in short, that he possessed an eloquent tongue and an insensible heart. Thus it was not until I became thoroughly acquainted with his character that I was convinced how really and truly he was what he appeared to be. Never perhaps was any man in the world so devotedly attached to France, and there was no sacrifice which he would not readily have made to preserve her glory. This is sufficiently evident from his conduct at Chatillon, and after his return from Waterloo. He expressed himself truly and energetically on his rock, when he used these remarkable words, which I have before quoted: “No, my real sufferings are not here!”
The following anecdotes have reference to other subjects, partly grave and partly humourous. One day the Councillor of State, General Gassendi, taking part in the discussion of the moment, dwelt much upon the doctrines of economists. The Emperor, who was much attached to his old artillery comrade, stopped him, saying: “My dear General, where did you gain all this knowledge? Where did you imbibe these principles?” Gassendi, who very seldom spoke in the Council, after defending himself in the best way he could, finding himself driven into his last entrenchments, replied that he had, after all, borrowed his opinions from Napoleon himself. “How?” exclaimed the Emperor, with warmth, “What do you say? Is it possible? From me, who have always thought that if there existed a monarchy of granite, the chimeras of political economists would reduce it to powder!” And after some other remarks, partly ironical and partly serious, he concluded;—"Go, General! you must have fallen asleep in your office, and have dreamed all this." Gassendi, who was rather irascible, replied, “Oh! as for falling asleep in our offices, Sire, I defy any one to do that with you, you plague us too much for that.” All the Council burst into a fit of laughter, and the Emperor laughed louder than any one.
Another time a question arose respecting the organization of the Illyrian provinces, just after they had fallen into the power of France. Those provinces, bordering on Turkey, were occupied by regiments of Croatian troops, organized on a peculiar plan. They were, in short, military colonies, the idea of which was conceived upwards of a century ago by the great Prince Eugene, for the purpose of establishing a barrier against the incursions and ravages of the Turks, and had well fulfilled the purpose for which they were destined. The committee appointed to draw up a plan for the organization of the Provinces, proposed that the Croatian regiments should be disbanded, and replaced by a national guard similar to ours. “Are you mad?” exclaimed the Emperor, on hearing the report read; “are the Croatians Frenchmen? or have you understood the excellence, utility, and importance of the institution?”—"Sire," replied the person, who conceived himself bound to defend the report, “the Turks will not now venture to resume their transgressions.”—"And why not?"—"Sire, because your majesty is become their neighbour."—"Well, and what of that?"—"Sire, they will be too much awed by your power."—"Oh yes, Sire, Sire," replied the Emperor sharply, “a truce to compliments at present, or, if you like, go and present them to the Turks, who will answer you by a discharge of musquetry, and you can return and give me an account of the affair.” The Emperor immediately decided that the Croatian regiments should be preserved.
One day, the plan of a decree respecting ambassadors was submitted to the consideration of the Council of State. This plan, though very remarkable, was, I believe, never published to the world. The coolness which the Council evinced on this subject caused the matter to be dropped; many other plans also experienced the same fate; which, it may be observed, affords an additional proof of the independence of the Council, and shews that Napoleon possessed more moderation than is generally believed.
The Emperor, who appeared to be the only individual to support the decree, and who adhered to it very firmly, made some very curious remarks in its defence. He wished that ambassadors should enjoy no prerogatives or privileges which might place them above the laws of the country. At most, he was only willing to grant that they should be subject to a higher kind of jurisdiction. “For example,” said he, "I have no objection that they should be brought to trial only after a preliminary decision of an assemblage of the ministers and high dignitaries of the empire; that they should be tried only by a special tribunal, composed of the first magistrates and functionaries of the state. It will perhaps be said that sovereigns, finding their own dignity compromised in the persons of their representatives, will not send ambassadors to my Court. Well, where will be the harm of that? I can withdraw mine from foreign Courts, and thus the country will be relieved from the burden of enormous and very frequently useless salaries. Why should ambassadors be exempt from the law? They are sent with the view of being agreeable, and for the purpose of maintaining an interchange of friendship and favour between their respective sovereigns. If they overstep the limits of their duty they should be reduced to the class of common offenders, and placed within the pale of the general law. I cannot tacitly permit ambassadors at my Court to act the part of hired spies: if I do, I must be content to be regarded as a fool, and to submit to all the mischief to which I may be exposed. It is only necessary to have the matter well understood before-hand, so as to obviate the impropriety of violating received customs, and what has hitherto been regarded as the law of nations.
“During the height of a celebrated crisis,” continued the Emperor, “I received information that a great personage had taken refuge in the house of M. de Cobentzel, conceiving that he should be protected under the immunities of the Austrian ambassador. I summoned the ambassador to my presence, in order to enquire into the truth of the fact, and to inform him that it would be most unfortunate if it were really such as it had been reported to me. I observed that custom would be nothing in my eyes when compared with the safety of a nation; and that I would without hesitation order the arrest of the criminal and his privileged protector, deliver them both up to a tribunal, and subject them to the full penalties of the law. And this I would have done, gentlemen,” added he, raising his voice. “The ambassador was aware of my determination, and therefore my wishes were obeyed without further opposition.”
Long before the expedition to Russia, perhaps a year or two before it was undertaken, the Emperor wished to establish a military classification of the Empire. At the Council of State, there were read fifteen or twenty plans for the organization of the three classes of the French national guard. The first, which was to consist of young men, was to march as far as the frontiers; the second, which was to be composed of middle-aged and married men, was not to quit the department to which it belonged; and the third, consisting of men in years, was to be kept solely for the defence of the town in which it had been raised. The Emperor, who was well convinced of the utility of this plan, frequently recurred to it, and made many patriotic remarks on the subject; but it constantly received marked disapproval from the Council, and experienced a kind of passive and silent opposition. Meanwhile, amidst the multitude of public affairs which claimed the attention of the Emperor, he lost sight of this plan, which his foresight had doubtless calculated for the safety of France, and which was likely to have ensured that result. Upwards of two millions of men would have been classed and armed at the period of our disasters. Who then would have ventured to assail us?
During a discussion on the above subject, the Emperor spoke in a very emphatic and remarkable strain. A member (M. Malouet), in a very circumlocutory style, expressed his disapproval of this plan of organization. The Emperor addressing him in his usual way, said: “Speak boldly, sir, do not mutilate your ideas: say what you have to say, freely; we are here by ourselves.” The speaker then declared “that the measure was calculated to excite general alarm; that every one trembled to find himself classed in the national guard, being persuaded that, under the pretext of internal defence, the object was to remove the guard from the country.” “Very good!” said the Emperor, “I now understand you. But, gentlemen,” continued he, addressing himself to the members of the Council, "you are all fathers of families, possessing ample fortunes, and filling important posts, you must necessarily have numerous dependents; and you must either be very awkward, or very indifferent, if, with all these advantages, you do not exercise a great influence on public opinion. Now, how happens it that you, who know me so well, should suffer me to be so little known by others? When did you ever know me to employ deception and fraud in my system of government? I am not timid, and I therefore am not accustomed to resort to indirect measures. My fault is, perhaps, to express myself too abruptly, too laconically. I merely pronounce the word, I order, and, with regard to forms and details, I trust to the intermediate agent who executes my intentions; and heaven knows, whether, on this point, I have any great reason to congratulate myself. If, therefore, I wanted troops, I should boldly demand them of the Senate, who would levy them for me; or if I could not obtain them from the Senate, I should address myself to the people, and you would see them eagerly march to join my ranks. Perhaps you are astonished to hear me say this, for sometimes you appear not to have a correct idea of the real state of things. Know, then, that, my popularity is immense, and incalculable; for, whatever may be alleged to the contrary, the whole of the French people love and respect me: their good sense is superior to the malignant reports of my enemies and the metaphysical speculations of fools. They would follow me in defiance of all. You are surprised at these declarations, but they are nevertheless true. The French people know no benefactor but me. Through me they fearlessly enjoy all that they have acquired; through me they behold their brothers and sons indiscriminately promoted, honoured, and enriched; through me they find their hands constantly employed, and their labour accompanied by its due reward. They have never had reason to accuse me of injustice or prepossession. Now, the people see, feel and comprehend all this; but they understand nothing of metaphysics. Not that I am inclined to repel true and great principles; heaven forbid that I should. On the contrary, I act upon them as much as our present extraordinary circumstances will permit; but I only mean to say, that the people do not yet understand them; while they perfectly understand me, and place implicit trust in me. Be assured, then, that the people of France will always conform to the plans which we propose for their welfare.
“Do not allow yourselves to be deceived by the supposed opposition which has just been alluded to; it exists only in the saloons of Paris, and by no means in the great body of the nation. In this plan, I solemnly declare I have no ulterior view of sending the national guard abroad; my thoughts, at this moment, are solely occupied in adopting measures at home, for the safety, repose, and stability of France. Proceed then to organize the national guard; that each citizen may know his post in the hour of need; that even M. Cambaceres, yonder, may shoulder a musket, should our danger require him so to do. We shall thus have a nation built of stone and mortar, capable of resisting the attacks both of time and men. I will moreover raise the national guard to a level with the regiments of the line: the old retired officers shall be the chiefs and the fathers of the corps. I shall have promotion in the national guard solicited as ardently as Court favours.”