6. It is better for them to remain in the employment of southern capitalists, who are able to pay them wages for their labor than to go out into the wilderness as paupers, where there is no capital, and the very necessaries of life, are to be created.
7. They cannot be colonized without an appalling expense of money, life and comfort.
8. To colonize the Slaves of this country on account of their color, would be in the highest degree dishonorable to christianity. Were Christ on earth, he would associate with the despised colored man in preference to many who think themselves the best society. Can we act, as he would not and yet exemplify his religion? What, too, would be the effect on the minds of the heathen, nearly all of whom are colored men, were they to learn, that that nation, which makes the loudest professions of attachment to christianity, had banished more than two millions of her citizens to a land of pagan darkness, being offended at the color of their skin?
9. To send all the slaves to Africa would be fatal to the natives of that Continent. Said Mr. Pinney, agent of the Colonization Society, and once Gov. of Liberia, ‘the colony must be kept pure, or it will either enslave or exterminate the African tribes.’ Send 2,500,000 of people to Africa, four-fifths of whom are in heathenish darkness, and all of whom have been taught, by the example of their masters, that slavery is morally right, and labor disgraceful, would they hesitate to buy Slaves of the native Princes, or to reduce their captives to a state of servitude? It is said, there is as strong a line of demarkation between the colonists, and the heathen, though of the same color, as there is between the white and colored people in this country. But if they should not become slave-holders, would they not gradually exterminate the native tribes for the sake of revenging injuries, and possessing themselves of their lands? Said Mr. Pinney, the colony must be kept pure, or such a result is inevitable; and it cannot be kept pure, unless it is conducted on a very small scale. We doubt whether a commercial and military colony can be so far controlled by moral principle, as to avoid these results. For if the emigrants were all pious persons, and few in number, their posterity might become both vicious and powerful. We are not, therefore, without our objections to African colonization, even if it should be distinctly abandoned as a remedy for slavery, and conducted with caution, and on a small scale. We know not to what it may grow. We like better, the good, old, apostolic plan of sending missionaries to the heathen—men, who have no commercial and selfish interests to subserve, and who bear no hostile weapons. There is danger that a colony, however carefully guarded, will misrepresent christianity and fatally prejudice the native mind against it. The fact, that not a native has yet been converted to christianity, in connection with the colony of Liberia, justifies the inquiry, whether the scheme is a good one for Africa. The transportation of all our Slaves would confessedly form a colony too large and corrupt for the safety of the native tribes; and we tremble for the result of the present experiment.
In this argument we have not denied the practicability of colonizing two millions and a half of people, at an expense of $125,000,000. We think it enough to show the thing ought not to be done.
CONCLUSION.
With this view of our sentiments, of their practical value, and of the propriety and wisdom of our measures, we leave you to judge whether abolitionists deserve to be out-lawed in their own country; to be loaded with abuse and contumely; to be denied a right, conceded to all other decent men, of advocating their cause in our public halls and churches; and to be left, unprotected, to the violence of ill-minded men? We beg you also to consider, how terrific would be the prospects of our country, were we in obedience to popular clamor, to disband our societies, and retire from the field. Who would ever again venture to raise his voice in behalf of the down-trodden slave? Should any one have the temerity to do it, how soon would he be overwhelmed by the violence of the pro-slavery party, encouraged by past success, and maddened by the remembrance of the formidable array of talent, wealth, and piety, which they once encountered. We verily believe, that the peaceable abolition of Slavery depends, under God, on our perseverance. Moral means must continue to be used by us until they issue in success, or slavery will terminate in a bloody revolution. We anticipate such an event, as a possibility, with painful emotions; and feel disposed to look, in the use of all lawful means, to that God, who has promised to do for us, exceeding abundantly above all that we can ask or think, that so dire a catastrophe may be averted. We earnestly solicit your co-operation.
We might have said much more to correct misapprehensions, refute calumnies, and fortify our positions; but our limits forbid it. We may have said some things, which you will disapprove; for we have ingenuously confessed our most obnoxious sentiments; but if you will give us credit for sincerity and weigh our arguments, we shall expect to stand better in your opinion, than our calumniators would have us.
With much respect,
| In behalf of the Meriden Anti-Slavery Society, | } | PHILO PRATT, |
| } | WALTER WEBB, | |
| } | ISAAC I. TIBBALS. |