“I don’t need to point out,” he began, “that Germany wants colonies and would prefer southern Brazil if she can get it. Nor do I need to do more than call attention to the fact that Germany is building dreadnoughts supposedly to make her equal to England, but that they really make her much more nearly a rival to the United States. She is also—but I haven’t heard any very recent news—Is she by any chance intriguing in Japan?”
“She is,” replied Topham, grimly.
“I suspected so. Well! Here’s the situation. Wilhelm wants Brazil. Ouro Preto, half a German and son of the richest and most influential man in southern Brazil, wants a German dukedom. Wilhelm says all right; earn it if you want it. Go back to Brazil. Start something in the three southern states. I will help you with arms and officers and munitions. Make good and I’ll recognize their independence. Then let them ask me to annex them. You’ve got 2,000,000 Germans down there. They won’t object. Do this and you’ll get your dukedom.”
Miss Byrd nodded. “That’s about true,” she confirmed. “The count showed me a letter from the Emperor saying that when south Brazil became a German colony he would make Ouro Preto the Duke of Hochstein.”
“But,” objected Topham. “The Monroe doctrine—”
“Tush! Tush! The Monroe doctrine is to protect American republics against European conquest. What’s it got to do with voluntary annexations?”
Topham knitted his brows. “Of course you are right,” he said didactically, “as to the original meaning of the Monroe doctrine. But the meaning has changed. Today it is analogous to the ‘balance of power’ in Europe, to maintain which so many wars have been fought. Whatever our motives in establishing it, we support it now as a measure of protection to ourselves. If we permit one European country to acquire land over here, others will crowd in and our geographical isolation—an isolation that saves us from the military terrors and burdens of Europe—will be at an end. For our own sakes we must keep Europe away from our doors. I judge the doctrine would be held to apply.”
“You judge!” Rutile snorted “Pish!! Likewise tush! You judge! You are not by any means certain, but after splitting a few hairs you judge it would apply! Well, how do you suppose twenty or thirty million German-Americans would judge?”
“Why! They—”
“I’m not saying anything against German-Americans; I’m one of them myself in the second degree. If it comes to fighting, they’ll fight, even against the fatherland. But they won’t want to fight Germany. They’re mighty apt to say ‘Mein Gott! Vas ist loss mit der Dagoes that we should go to war for them, ain’t it?’ And if the German-Americans did want to fight, what would the rich man say—the fellows who have got trade to lose? Don’t you know they’d say ‘To hades with Brazil; we sell more to Germany in a minute than we do to Brazil in a year!’ And so it would go. When it came down to a count of noses, you’d find about the only people that wanted to fight to keep the new republic down in south Brazil from following their God-twisted noses into the German fold would be you navy fellows and a few chaps whom the papers would call jingoes. And if Germany had a fleet as powerful as the United States, and if the United States had other foreign complications on its hands—with Japan if you like—how many people would insist on fighting to save a lot of greasers who didn’t want to be saved. Now, do you begin to see?”