Sahagun remarks[45] that “at the end of fifty-two years the count came back to Cetochtliacatl (one-Rabbit-Cane), which is the figure of the reed dedicated to the east, which they called Tlapcopcopa and Tlavilcopa, nearly towards the fire or sun.”[46]
This language is peculiar and important, and indicates that he had a Mexican painting similar to the plate now under discussion before him, in which the year symbols were at the corners instead of at the sides. On this supposition only can we understand his use of the term “Cetochtli-acatl,” and the expression “nearly towards the fire,” &c. His use of the term “fire” in this connection undoubtedly indicates red. His language is therefore in entire harmony with what we find on this plate.
According to Gemelli and Chavero the element earth was assigned to the south; in this plate, in the right space inclosed by the green loop, we see the great open jaws representing the earth out of which the tree arises. From a careful examination of this figure, so frequently found in this and other Mexican Codices, I am convinced it is used as the symbol of the grave and of the earth. The presence of this symbol and of the figure of death in this space, as also the figures of the gods of death and the under world in the corresponding space of the Cortesian plate, strongly inclined me for a time to believe that this should be considered the north, as in the Aztec superstitions one class of the dead was located in that region; but a more thorough study leads me to the conclusion that these figures are intended to represent the earth and to symbolize the fact that here is to be found the point where the old cycle ends and the new begins. I will refer to this again when I return to the description of the Cortesian plate.
All the authorities, except Boturini, refer the year Tecpatl or Flint to the north, which agrees with the theory I am advancing, and in the lower left-hand corner we find in the red circle the figure of a flint, which according to my arrangement applies to the north, represented by the yellow loop.
How, then, are we to account for the presence of this symbol on the head of the right figure in the red or eastern loop? Veytia says, “They (the Mexicans) gave to fire the first place as the most noble of all (the elements), and symbolized it by the flint.” This I acknowledge presents a difficulty that I am unable to account for only on the supposition that this author has misinterpreted his authorities, for no one so far as I can find gives the “sun” or “age of fire” as the first, the only difference in this respect being as to whether the “sun of water” or the “sun of earth” was first. This difference I am inclined to believe (though without a thorough examination of the subject) arises chiefly from a variation of the cardinal point with which they commence the count, those starting at the south commencing with the element earth, those beginning at the east with water.[47] Not that the authors themselves always indicated these points, but that a proper interpretation of the original authorities would have resulted in this conclusion, supposing a proper adjustment of the different calendar systems of the Nahua nations to have been made. I think it quite probable that the artist who painted this plate, of the Fejervary Codex believed the first “sun” or “age” should be assigned to the east, and that here the flint indicates origin, first creative power or that out of which the first creation issued, an idea which I believe is consonant with Nahua traditions. I may as well state here as elsewhere that notwithstanding the statement made by Gemelli and others that it was the belief or tradition of the Mexicans that the sun first appeared in the south, I am somewhat skeptical on this point.
Such a tradition might be possible in an extreme northern country, but it is impossible to conceive how it would have originated in a tropical region.
The calendar and religious observances were the great and all-absorbing topics of the Nahua nations, and hence it is to these, and especially the first, that we must look for an explanation of their paintings and sculpture, and not so much to the traditions given by the old Spanish authors.
Finally, the assignment of the year symbols to the four points at which we find them was not, as these early authors supposed, because of their significance, but because in forming the circle of the days they fell at these points. This fact is so apparent from the plates of the Codices that it seems to me to forbid any other conclusion.
In the bottom, blue loop, which we call the west, we see two female figures, one of them with cross-bones on her dress. This agrees precisely with the statement of Sahagun heretofore given, to wit, “for they held the opinion that the dead women, who are goddesses, live in the west, and that the dead men, who are in the house of the sun, guide him from the east with rejoicings every day, until they arrive at midday, and that the defunct women, whom they regard as goddesses and call Cioapipiltin, come out from the west to receive him at midday (or south?), and carry him with rejoicing to the west.” Before comparing with the plate of the Cortesian Codex, we call attention to some other plates of the Mexican Codices, in order to see how far our interpretation of the plates of the Fejervary Codex will be borne out.
Turning now to Plates 65 and 66 of the Vatican Codes B[48] (shown in our [Plate IV]), we observe four trees (or crosses) each with an individual clasping the trunk. One of these individuals is red, the other white, with slender red stripes and with the face black, another green, and the other black. On the top of each tree, except the one at the right, is a bird; on the right tree, or rather broad-leaved tropical plant, which is clasped by the black individual, is the figure of the tiger or rabbit. As these are probably intended to represent the seasons (spring, summer, &c.), the ages, or the years, and consequently the cardinal points, let us see with what parts of the plate of the Fejervary Codex they respectively correspond.