Radicalism thrives where conditions are favorable to a change in ideals. It aims to establish new institutions or to propagate new principles, and this presupposes new ideals. As the habits of a man tend to correspond to his ideals, so too the institutions of a nation conform in a broad way to its ideals. In England during the Middle Ages the institutions of the country were strongly influenced by the religious ideal; later on, when the nation’s ideal became national glory, they assumed a political character; and now they reflect the dominant influence which the economic ideal has exerted during the past century. The ideals of a people than are bound to undergo changes, and these are sometimes, though not always, for a nation’s good. They are developed in the main by an increase in knowledge and by industrial change. Institutions, however, do not keep pace with this advance in ideals; and as a consequence discontent results and radicalism is born.
Moreover, institutions are never an adequate expression of the ideal. “Men are never as good as the goodness they know. Institutions reveal the same truth. The margin between what society knows and what it is” makes radicalism possible. In his introduction to The Revolt of Islam, Shelley expresses the same thought: “The French Revolution may be considered as one of those manifestations of a general state of feeling among civilized mankind produced by a defect of correspondence between the knowledge existing in society and the improvement or gradual abolition of political institutions.” The greater that this defect of correspondence becomes, the more intense will be the radicalism that inevitably ensues.
Radicals want a change. The extent of this change differentiates them fairly well among themselves. Some would completely sweep away every existing institution. Thus Shelley thought the great victory would be won if he could exterminate kings and priests at a blow.
Let the axe
Strike at the root, the poison-tree will fall[5]
Others would be content with changes of a far less radical character. Burke, in his early life, was the most moderate of these. At a time when the British constitution was sorely in need of reform he said concerning it: “Never will I cut it in pieces and put it in the kettle of any magician in order to boil it with the puddle of their compounds into youth and vigor; on the contrary, I will drive away such pretenders; I will nurse its venerable age and with lenient arts extend a parent’s breath.” Between these two extremes many different degrees of radicalism obtain. In his Ecce, Convertimur ad Gentes, Arnold writes: “For twenty years I have felt convinced that for the progress of our civilization here in England three things were above all necessary: a reduction of those immense inequalities of condition and property among us of which our land system is the cause, a genuine municipal system, and public schools for the middle class.”
A just appreciation of the radicalism of Shelley’s poetry is impossible without a knowledge of the function of radicalism, and so it must be considered a little more in detail.
An attempt to abolish an institution is sure to encounter the opposition of those whose interests are bound up with that institution. The good that it has accomplished in the past is sufficient warrant for defending it against the onslaught of its assailants. Le bien c’est l’ennemi du mieux. No matter how inadequate the institution in question may now be, it will still be championed by the great majority; and were it not for the radicals’ enthusiasm and faith in their cause their opposition would be in vain. As a witty exponent of homespun philosophy expresses it: “Most people would rather be comfortable than be right.” They may see that a change is needed, but they hold on to the old order of things as long as possible. Long before 1789 the French nobility realized that they should give up their claims to exemption from taxation, yet they retained them all until forced to relinquish them. Had the “privileges” been less conservative, the Revolution would never have occurred. It may be said then that radicalism is born of conservatism. Without it might would be right, and anything like justice would be well-nigh impossible.
Another factor in the development of radicalism is the inertia of mind and will of a great many people. Most persons are not easily induced to undertake anything that requires some exertion. They prefer to sit back and let others bear the burdens of the day and its heat. A good example of this is the indifference shown by the French Catholics towards the oppressive legislation of their rulers. Fortunately, however, in those countries where free scope is given to the individual, and where liberty of speech is firmly established, there will always be found some who are ever ready to take the initiative in demanding a change. Their radicalism tends to counteract the influence of this sleeping sickness. It holds up to men the ideal, and inflames them with a desire of attaining it.
Again, the emotions do not move as fast as the intellect. They will cling to their objects long after the intellect has counselled otherwise.
A man convinced against his will
Is of the same opinion still.[6]