Where Are We Going?

by David Lloyd George

I need hardly say that I am not venturing to express any opinion as to the American refusal to ratify the treaty as a whole. I am only stating quite frankly my view that, unless America takes a hand in reparations, real settlement will be postponed until the hour of irreparable mischief strikes. If for reasons of which I am not competent to judge America cannot occupy her vacant chair on the tribunal which may decide fateful issues for humanity, I despair of any real progress being made.

Allied ministers can accept from a body representing the leading powers who won the war decisions they dare not take on their own responsibility. That is the essence of the matter. It is no use blaming politicians. If they of their own initiative attempt to ride down public sentiment, which alone confers authority upon them, they will inevitably fail. In every country there are plenty of itching partisans ready to take advantage of tactical blunders committed by political opponents or personal rivals. But the judgment of an international tribunal is another matter, and statesmen can accept it and act upon it without being taxed with responsibility for its conclusions.

British opinion cannot and will not accept a settlement based on the assumption that abatements in the sum claimed for reparations, if and when made, must be discounted by the British taxpayer alone.

France undoubtedly suffered more severely from the ravages of war than any other belligerent. But that is recognised in the proportion allocated to her of the reparations payments. She is to be paid 52 per cent. of the total, i. e., more than all the other Allied countries put together.

Britain comes next in the damage sustained by her people, and she is given 22 per cent. In many respects she has suffered more heavily than any other Allied country, especially in taxation and in trade. She is willing to stand in with the Allies for loss as well as for profit, but she will resent bitterly the suggestion that the loss must necessarily be her share, whilst such profit as there is belongs to others.

The American people, who receive no part of the compensation awarded and collected, will a fortiori take the same view of their obligations in the matter. They certainly will not see the force of a settlement to be made at their expense, as if they had been condemned to pay an indemnity.

The question is not what remission or indulgence shall be granted to Germany, but what payment she is capable of making. If Germany can pay a large indemnity France gets 52 per cent. of that, and Britain only 22 per cent. If Germany can only make a disappointing payment, France still gets 52 per cent. and Britain 22 per cent. There is, therefore, no ground for debiting Britain and America with the cost of reduced expectations.

The offer to hand over the worthless "C" bonds to the British Empire in return for her claims is an insult to the intelligence of the British public. Let us get away from these shifts on to the straight road. Back to the treaty—that is the real remedy. There is no need to revise it—all that is required is to restore it.

If America reappears on the arbitrating tribunal she need not accept the rest of the treaty. Then a fair and enduring settlement would soon ensue, this irritating sore would rapidly heal, and the condition of the world would steadily improve.