The amendment passed the House January 10, 1918, by a vote of 274 to 136—a two-thirds majority with one vote to spare—exactly forty years to a day from the time the suffrage amendment was first introduced into Congress, and exactly one year to a day from the time the first picket banner appeared at the gates o f the White House.
Eighty-three per cent of the Republicans voting on the measure, voted in favor of it, while only fifty per cent of the Democrats voting, voted for it. Even after the Republicans had pledged their utmost strength, more than two-thirds of their membership, votes were still lacking to make up the Democratic deficiency, and the President’s declaration that the measure ought to pass the House, produced them from his own party. Those who contend that picketing had “set back the clock,”—that it did “no good,”—that President Wilson would “not be moved by it”—have, we believe, the burden of proof on their side of the argument. It is our firm belief that the solid year of picketing, with all its political ramifications, did compel the President to abandon his opposition and declare himself for the measure. I do not mean to say that many things do not cooperate in a movement toward a great event. I do mean to say that picketing was the most vital force amongst the elements which moved President Wilson. That picketing had compelled Congress to see the question in terms of political capital is also true. From the first word uttered in the House debate, until the final roll-call, political expediency was the chief motif.
Mr. Lenroot of Wisconsin, Republican, rose to say:
“May I suggest that there is a distinction between the Democratic members of the Committee on Rules and the Republican members, in this, that all of the Republican members are for this proposition?” This was met with instant applause from the Republican side.
Representative Cantrill prefaced his speech embodying the President’s statement, which caused roars and jeers from the opposition, with the announcement that he was not willing to risk another election, with the voting women of the West, and the amendment still unpassed.
Mr. Lenroot further pointed out that: “From a Republican standpoint—from a partisan standpoint, it would be an advantage to Republicans to go before the people in the next election and say that this resolution was defeated by southern Democrats.”
An anti-suffragist tried above the din and noise to remind Mr. Lenroot that three years before Mr. Lenroot had voted “No,” but a Republican colleague came suddenly to the rescue with “What about Mr. Wilson?” which was followed by, “He kept us out of war,” and the jeers on the Republican side became more pronounced.
This interesting political tilt took place when Representatives Dennison and Williams of Illinois, and Representative Kearns of Ohio, Republicans, fenced with Representative Raker of California, Democrat, as he attempted, with an evident note of self-consciousness, to make the President’s reversal seem less sudden.
MR. DENNISON : It was known by the committee that went to see the President that the Republicans were going to take this matter up and pass it in caucus, was it not?’
MR. RAKER: I want to say to my Republican friends upon this question that I have been in conference with the President for over three years upon this question . . . .