Sagan, January 3, 1850.—The weakness of the Prussian Ministry is inconceivable and so is the utter confusion which the new laws, whether proposed or granted, produce throughout the administration of the country. It is a case of quoting:

Laws lost their forces and right and wrong their meaning,
Or, to speak truth, a Valois reigned no more.[ [213]

There is an ancient prophecy in Prussia dating from the reign of the father of Frederick II. which says that his fourth successor will be the last Hohenzollern to reign over Prussia. There seems to be really some reason for believing this prediction. It is proposed to establish uniform laws from the banks of the Rhine to the Carpathians: this is sheer foolishness, as manners, civilisation, and interests are utterly different. The Landwehr which is now very loyal will be retiring next year and will be replaced by a new levy of very disaffected character; in short, wherever we look, nothing but decay is to be seen and uneasiness spreads apace. However, the Danish negotiations have been vigorously resumed at Berlin and are said to be safe in the hands of Herr Usedom.

I hear of a curious fact from Paris; all the factories are in full swing, but business can only be done for ready money; bills at three months simply cannot be discounted; the bank has just as many coins and as much bullion in its cellars as it has notes in circulation. This fact, perhaps unexampled hitherto, demonstrates mathematically that there is not the smallest confidence in the near future and that the people are living from hand to mouth.

Sagan, January 9, 1850.—I hear from Paris that M. de Persigny has arrived at Berlin,[ [214] with many proposals and with the fixed idea of forming a triple alliance between France, England, and Prussia. This idea, however, does not originate with him, but with that infernal Palmerston. Vienna was informed of the proposal at the outset and Prince Felix Schwarzenberg made it public through the newspapers, but in spite of this publicity it is said that the proposal has not been abandoned. Prussia will be offered Saxony and Thuringen and prospects will be held out with regard to Hanover after the death, which is probably not very remote, of King Ernest Augustus: in exchange Prussia would be asked to cede the Rhine provinces; Prussia replies that France should be contented with the Bavarian parts of the Rhine which, in the views of the Elysée, are sufficient. Such is the point which this intrigue has reached, for we cannot dignify it with the title of a negotiation. M. de Persigny tells himself that if he is successful he will make certain of the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs for himself, to which he aspires, and also secure the empire for his master, who is equally ambitious in this direction. Another correspondent from Paris writes to me: "Those who were liberated under the amnesty and have been restored to their families by the President are doing more harm in one day than all the scoundrels of Paris in concert. They are so full of gratitude that they threaten to kill the President. Many of these men are convinced that their wives brought about their arrest and they are therefore searching for proof to rid themselves of their better-halves."

Berlin, January 12, 1850.—A parliamentary crisis is now in full progress here. The King has been unwilling to take without some reservation an oath which he desires to keep but which is repugnant to his political conscience.[ [215] The Ministry absolutely required a law from the Chambers concerning the Press and the clubs if it was to govern, and therefore urged the King to take the oath to the Constitution, as otherwise he could expect nothing from the Chambers. Such was the dilemma. Violent scenes took place between the King and his Cabinet. The latter was determined to resign and to force the King to yield. When matters were in this situation two very influential personages, General Rauch and Baron von Meyendorff,[ [216] intervened. The Ministry was informed that its exploits hitherto had been so glorious that it could afford to act in a high-handed manner, and that to put pressure upon the King in order to endow the country with a detestable Constitution, was unworthy of it. The Ministers were directly informed that their weakness had aroused general disgust, that they had shown no comprehension of their duty and that when the danger of riots was passed they had distinguished themselves only by their incapacity; they were obliged to hear some very stern truths. On the other hand attempts were made to soothe the King's feelings by attributing a firmness to him which is thought to be due to the Queen's influence. The result of all these comings and goings is the royal message which does not reform everything that is bad, but places certain landmarks in the country by which people can guide their steps. The Ministry has frankly adhered to the King, I am told, who has now emerged from his period of obscurity. The next question is whether the Chambers will accept the arrangement. It is thought that they will agree, because the Cabinet asserts that it will resign upon refusal, and the Chambers know that a purely reactionary Ministry would take its place immediately. The Second Chamber, which is anxious to avoid a dissolution, is terrified by this combination, and it is hoped that it will yield before this menace which may become reality.

Berlin, January 17, 1850.—Your observations concerning women who interfere in politics and concerning the dangers which they may run in consequence, are perfectly correct.[ [217] I think it may be said in justice to myself that at no time have I meddled with such matters and that I have never taken part in politics except against my will. Far from attempting to satisfy my self-esteem by such means, I have always been terrified by my responsibility. If, in consequence of my exceptional position, I have been well informed and have even been asked for my advice and have exerted some influence upon the decision of important matters, I have at any rate not lent either my name or my energies to an intrigue, nor do I ever desire to play the part of a political woman; in this respect I have always been ready to yield to others who were more anxious and probably better fitted for such an occupation.

Here public opinion is absorbed by the parliamentary crisis which has not yet been settled, while much doubt and great difference of opinion prevails concerning the result and its consequences. The King has been so harassed and tormented that after a struggle of several hours the day before yesterday, he was quite exhausted, sent for his cloak at nine o'clock in the evening, and went for a walk in the park of Charlottenburg alone and on foot through the snow, to refresh himself and recover his spirits in the open air. He was inclined to dismiss the Cabinet, dissolve the Chambers, and summon those who are here called the reactionaries. General Rauch prevented this move: no doubt he was right, because energetic measures can only succeed in the hands of those who will shrink from none of the consequences of vigorous action.

I spent an hour yesterday with the Countess of Brandenburg, where Herr von Meyendorff showed us a letter which he had just received from Madame de Lieven. Her letters are always pleasant reading as she writes with sprightliness, is quite natural, and always has plenty to say. In this letter she said that Lord Normanby is undisputed monarch at the Elysée where he is doing his best to promote the imperial movement; that the President has broken with the bigwigs and devotes himself entirely to his evil counsellors; that the Assembly is more divided than ever, for the leaders defy one another in no measured terms, Molé calling Broglie a respectable nonentity, Thiers calling Molé an old woman and the latter replying by "cad." In short, confusion in France is complete, but is it not so everywhere, unfortunately? In such general turmoil it is very difficult to preserve any clearness of view or definite opinions; when insight is clouded it becomes weakened and only the heart can remain a certain guide at a time when all calculations are deceptive and when instinct alone can provide the guiding clue through the labyrinth.

Berlin, January 19, 1850.—The present moment here is an interesting time by reason of its critical nature, and if I took the same interest in mundane affairs as I used to do, I should now be all ears. Yesterday rumours of concession suddenly came to an end; a large number of Conservative deputies and important persons in the town outside the Chambers, signed a petition to the King begging him not to yield. Bethman-Holweg, who is not a deputy, took this petition to Charlottenburg yesterday evening.