Regretting, as I do, the difference of sentiment to which I have already adverted, I must premise distinctly, and in terms which cannot be misunderstood, that it would be impossible for me to form a part of any Government without reserving to myself, in the most ample manner, the full liberty not only of supporting and advocating, but of originating, either in Parliament or in Council, any proposition which may appear to me desirable to promote the amelioration of the general state of Ireland; and it is scarcely necessary for me to add, that in my judgment concession to the Catholics is a primary step towards the accomplishment of this inestimable object. It would be moreover essential that I should not only posses, but also, at my own discretion, avow the perfect liberty of speaking and acting, which I retain on this subject; and it is probable that I might feel myself called upon to declare publicly that as the hope of contributing to the success of this measure had been my principal inducement to accept of office, so I should not hesitate one moment to relinquish it from the time of my being convinced that this purpose might be more effectually assisted by my resignation. The circumstance which mainly encouraged me to act upon this hope is the intended appointment of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket. This appears to hold out to Ireland in general the fairest prospect of a firm, impartial, and conciliatory Administration, while their known sentiments with regard to the Catholics in particular will, I trust, excite in that great body of his Majesty's subjects, a confidence from which the most beneficial results may be expected. These nominations are, however, accompanied by that of another gentleman as Chief Secretary, whose opinions are known to be directly at variance with those of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket on this most momentous subject. To Mr. Goulburn's merits and general character every man must do justice who has observed his conduct in the department which he has hitherto filled, but I am so deeply impressed with the inconvenience and irritation which may arise from the apprehension in the public mind of counteraction and opposition between the Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary at a period of so much disturbance as the present, that if this should be made the subject of Parliamentary discussion, I may, besides referring to my not having participated in his Majesty's councils when the appointment took place, find it necessary to declare that it is one in which I could not have concurred. Lord Londonderry has already, I have no doubt, fully stated to your Lordship the various discussions which have taken place on public measures in my conversations with him; but the points I have adverted to in this letter are of such paramount importance that I am sure you will agree with me in thinking them fit to be the subject of a direct and specific communication to your Lordship. Upon these points, therefore, as upon that of the confident expectation which I collected from Lord Londonderry of Lord Wellesley's and Mr. Plunket's appointments being both completed before the meeting of Parliament, I shall hope to hear from your Lordship as soon as is consistent with your convenience.
I have the honour to be my dear Lord,
Your Lordship's most faithful and obedient servant,
C. W. Williams Wynn.
THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL TO MR. CHARLES W. WYNN.
Bath, Dec. 12, 1821.
My dear Sir,
I was prepared by Lord Londonderry for the letter which I have received from you this morning, and he has, of course, communicated to me the substance of the conversations which he has had with the Marquis of Buckingham and yourself since my departure from London.
Agreeing, as I have every reason to hope we now do, in all the other leading principles of Government, foreign and domestic, the difference of opinion which unfortunately exists between us on what is called the Roman Catholic question must be a matter of sincere regret to me.
You will do me the justice, however, to believe that this difference can only be founded on an opinion that the beneficial consequences supposed by yourself and others to be likely to follow the proposed alteration of our laws on this subject, would not in fact result from it. But I think it material further to add, that whether I may or may not be mistaken, I am fully persuaded that in the state in which that question now is, and under all the circumstances of the country, fewer public evils are likely to arise from the adoption or rejection of the Catholic claims under a Government of a mixed character, than might occur under one which for brevity I designate as exclusively Protestant or exclusively Catholic.