I hereby authorize and direct Sir William Knighton, Bart., Keeper of my Privy Purse, to give notice to our several tradesmen that they are not to receive orders or to furnish any articles of furniture, &c. &c. &c., or to incur any expense whatsoever from their different trades, where such expense is to be provided for by my said Privy Purse, without receiving a specific order in writing for that purpose from the said Sir William Knighton Bart.; and I do also give my authority to the said Sir William Knighton, Bart., and order and direct him, during our will and pleasure, to undertake the entire management of my private affairs, with a view to the observance of the most strict and rigid economy, that we may have the opportunity of relieving ourselves from certain embarrassments which it is not necessary to mention further in detail. We do therefore rely with confidence on the said Sir William Knighton for the strict performance and fulfilment of all our wishes on this head.[86] ]

George R.

It is but justice to add that Sir William's management worked a reform, the beneficial effects of which were acknowledged and appreciated. "I see with pleasure," writes the Duke of Clarence, "and hear with equal satisfaction how well the Privy Purse is carried on under your able management."[87] ] The King was not only freed from large accumulations of pecuniary liabilities, but was enabled considerably to increase his donations to public and private charities.

The new members of the Board of Control were not quite pleased with their position on their first taking office, and it is clear from their representations of the unsatisfactory state of the Government, that some of them at least were not indisposed to break the tie that connected them with it. It becomes more and more evident that the dissatisfaction of the President was leading him into a desire for change, but it does not appear that the Duke of Buckingham encouraged such speculations—indeed, the interest taken by the Duke in politics had so greatly subsided, that he was sailing about the coast preparatory to quitting the country for an absence of considerable duration. He followed the advice given by Mr. Fremantle in a subsequent letter.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

July 15, 1822.

As far as I can judge from my conversations with Canning, he is perfectly in earnest with respect to his intended voyage, and much as I regret it for the country, I think that considering the great personal disinclination both of the King and (I believe) the Duke of York towards him, the unstable nature of the Government, and the state of his own affairs, the course he pursues is far the best for his own interests. I think I told you that both Liverpool and Londonderry evidently considered the completion of this appointment as a great advantage gained, and were in high spirits on the occasion.

It cannot be doubted that Peel and Lord Bathurst strongly participate in this feeling, and that the Chancellor carries it a good deal farther. Under these circumstances, the Duke of Wellington is the only man of any weight in the Cabinet, of whose co-operation in a plan for retaining Canning in this country there could be a hope, and without that, we could not hold out such a probability of success as alone could justify any communication to Canning, or expectation that he would listen to it. If it could be effected, I have no hesitation in saying that it would be a measure of great benefit to the country.

I have lately heard much general rumour of disinclination on the part of certain members of the Cabinet who are not cordial towards as, and of Peel's having said that things would not go on well till they had got rid of the Grenvilles. This I do not believe, as he is much too cautious a man to commit himself by such a speech, but I cannot but admit that the coldness and reserve of his manner to me make me think that the opinion, though not uttered, is not unlikely to be entertained by him. He assures me that he still continues in the same complete ignorance as to the persons lately arrested in Ireland. The only depositions transmitted are those of persons who believe them to be engaged in a traitorous conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government; but what the facts against them are, whether any papers have been taken, whether any of them have given information, and even whether they have been examined before the Privy Council, the Lord Lieutenant has not judged it necessary to inform him. It is evident things cannot go on in this way, and I do not think it unlikely that Peel is lying back in order to make as strong a case as he can, before he attacks Lord W——, after which he would more easily overturn us.

The last resolution was, I believe, in favour of the visit to Scotland, but not to stir beyond Edinburgh.