During the times of the Judges there had been no national unity amongst the Israelites—no central controlling power; they were still in the tribal state. The Philistines, a small but strong and warlike nationality, settled in the southern towns of the sea-coast, almost expelled them from the land. Disarmed and helpless, they were furtively hiding in the caves of the limestone hills, when, under the energetic leadership of Saul, they arose to repel the foe. The Philistines were defeated, but the strife continued, and in the end the monarchy of Saul was overthrown. It was reserved for David to subdue these inveterate foes, to capture Jerusalem from the Canaanites, and make it the centre of a kingdom which he enlarged by continual wars with the neighbouring states, until he bequeathed to Solomon an Israelitish empire—peaceful, wealthy, and magnificent whilst it lasted, but destined scarcely to outlast the generation that had seen its foundation. Between the sovereign of this new empire and the ancient monarchy of Egypt there was close friendship and alliance, and a ‘daughter of Pharaoh’[80] became Queen of Israel. Close commercial intercourse was also kept up. Hitherto, the Israelites had been content to employ asses and mules, and their troops had consisted of infantry only, but Solomon introduced horses and chariots in great numbers from the land of Egypt, both for domestic use and for military service. It may be possible to trace Egyptian influence in the Israelitish court. It may have kindled the love of Solomon for natural history, or have suggested his first expedition to the land of spices; it may have moulded certain parts of the architecture of temple and of palace, or have left its traces on the literature of the time. All this is possible, though little more than guesswork. Nor did the alliance last long; it was sundered even before luxury and despotism had undermined and overthrown the empire of Solomon. Sheshenk i., the founder of the twenty-second dynasty, was on the Egyptian throne when the fugitive Jeroboam arrived in Egypt—his heart full of his ambitious schemes, and on the death of Solomon it was not with his son, but with his rebellious servant Jeroboam that the Egyptian monarchy was in alliance. Shishak marched into Judah, entered Jerusalem, and carried off thence the treasures both of the temple and palace of King Solomon. The Levites, throughout the land, had remained faithful to the house of David and the service of the temple, and Shishak, it appears, captured and despoiled many of their cities, even those that lay in the kingdom of Israel. The names of all the towns subdued by him in this campaign are recorded on the walls of the temple at Karnak.
The hostility of the Levites to the rule of Jeroboam is easy to understand, as he set up a rival worship of his own at Dan and Bethel, and appointed priests of his own selection. The form assumed by the objects of this worship might very possibly have been adopted by Jeroboam in remembrance of what he had seen in Egypt, and even as a pledge of his alliance with its king. Never, indeed, had the worship of Apis reached so extravagant a pitch as under this dynasty. In the Serapeum, the burial-place of the sacred bulls, are still preserved the tablets which tell of their installation, death, and interment. ‘On such a day of the month and year,’ say the records, ‘this great god was carried to his rest in the beautiful region of the west—at rest with the great gods—with Osiris, and with the gods and goddesses of the west. His glory was sought for in all places of Pi-tomih (Lower Egypt). He was found after some months in the city of Hashed-abtu, after they had searched through all the lakes and islands. He was solemnly introduced into the temple of Ptah, beside his father Ptah.’ The date is carefully given, and the full lifetime of the ‘god.’ The burial of the Apis was on a scale of regal magnificence, and a national mourning of seventy days was observed. The finding of a successor[81] and his installation was celebrated with the wildest exultation, and with national rejoicing. Little room is left for the idea of symbol or sign; the sacred creature is an emanation of the Divine, is a ‘god,’ and as such the object of the grossest and most grotesque idolatry. An indescribable national enthusiasm gathered around the Apis—he was lodged with sumptuous magnificence, the centre of a crowd of devotees and of those who came to learn the secrets of the future.[82] The successive deaths and interments of the Apis bulls, form, in fact, very nearly all the events recorded during the reigns of the eight kings who succeeded the warlike Shishak. Takelath ii., the sixth in succession of this dynasty, sent his son Usarkon, who had been appointed high priest of Amen, to Thebes, to examine and to regulate the temple endowments there. The same inscription tells of some celestial portent which excited general attention, and was considered to portend trouble at hand.
THE WORSHIP OF APIS.
FROM A STATUETTE IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
Celestial omens were hardly needed to tell that dark days were near. The last kings of the twenty-second dynasty had to contend with rival princes who founded dynasties in the Delta, and, in the hopeless confusion arising from the mutual jealousies and struggles for supremacy amongst these contending families, the descendants of the priest-kings, closely watching the course of events from their Nubian retreat,[83] beheld the long looked-for opportunity arrived. About the middle of the eighth century b.c., they had already established their dominion at Thebes, where they had been warmly welcomed, and they were putting forth claims to a supremacy over the whole land. One of the warring princes in the north, Tafnekht, ruler of Sais, had at the same time formed a scheme for reducing the country to his allegiance. He was commander of the mercenary troops, who, in such unsettled times, might well avail to turn the balance in favour of any warlike and ambitious leader. Of the conflict that ensued we possess a full and interesting account, recorded in an inscription at Napata by Piankhi-meramen, the ruler of the south. Disquieting intelligence reached the king in his Nubian stronghold. Tafnekht ‘was advancing up the river; multitudes of soldiers followed him, and the chiefs and governors were like dogs at his feet. No fortress was closed to him; the cities had opened their gates at his approach.’ Thebes was in consternation, and appealed to Piankhi against the invader: ‘Art thou silent and forgetful of the southern land as well as of the middle country?’
Piankhi despatched troops without delay; at their setting forth the priest-king solemnly enjoined them to perform all due ceremonial rites and purifications on entering the city of Thebes. ‘Lay down your arms before the Divine Leader; there is no victory gained over men without his knowledge. Glorious deeds hath he wrought by his mighty arm; many shall be turned back by a few, one man shall put a thousand to flight. Prostrate yourselves before him, and say: “Cover for us the path of war with the shadow of thy scimitar, grant strength unto the young men whom thou hast appointed, that they may cast down many ten thousands.”‘ The army of Piankhi encountered the enemy, and defeated them. King Nimrod,[84] ruler of Hermopolis, one of the confederated princes, hearing of their victorious advance, hastened to shut himself up in his city, and prepared to stand a siege. Piankhi‘s troops continued to be successful in repeated encounters with the foe, but their king was not content, for Hermopolis was untaken. Priests had been accustomed to appear on the battle-field from the days of old, so that there was nothing anomalous in Piankhi’s now girding on the sword and appearing in person on the scene. ‘Behold, they have made a stand!’ he cried reproachfully to his forces; ‘you have fought them without courage; will you not complete the pursuit, spreading the fear of my name even unto the north of the land of Egypt?’
Animated by the presence of the king, the troops now pressed the siege with redoubled energy, and the town surrendered ‘prostrate in supplication before the face of the sovereign.’ Nimrod first sent his wife and the princesses to intercede with the conqueror, and afterwards offered his own humble submission with many gifts, which Piankhi graciously accepted. He entered Hermopolis, and, on examining the state of things in general, was roused to anger by discovering that certain horses there had been left without sufficient food. He expressed the bitterest displeasure,—‘Vile are they to my heart that have starved my horses; more is this than any other abomination that thou, O Nimrod, hast wrought altogether!’
After this decisive victory, other princes and governors came in and offered their submission; and various towns surrendered to the promised clemency of the conqueror. Mertum, indeed, had closed its gates; but ‘his majesty sent to them, saying, “Two ways are before you; choose as you will—open and live; shut the gates and die. His majesty does not pass by any closed fort.” And lo! they opened forthwith.’
Meantime Tafnekht had thrown himself into Memphis with 8000 men, both soldiers and marines; he had provisioned it carefully and strengthened the fortifications. King Piankhi, says the story, ‘found the lofty walls strengthened with new works, and the bulwarks fitted up with great strength. There was no way found to assault it.’ But Tafnekht himself slipped away as soon as the siege began; his troops (probably the mercenaries), deprived of the encouragement of their leader’s presence, were disheartened, and Memphis yielded to a combined assault by land and water. ‘The city was taken as by a storm of rain; multitudes were slain within it, or brought as captives to his majesty.’ Next day, Piankhi entered, as was his custom in every captured town, the temples; there he offered sacrifices to Ptah and to the other gods.