“I must say that I believe every unofficial member and every member of the community of these countries feel bound to say that the majority of the statements made by Bishop Tugwell are untrue. It is a slander on the Administration, a slander on the gentlemen who sit here, and a slander on the general public; and for a man in Bishop Tugwell’s position as the head of the Church here—namely, a Church which always makes it a boast amongst the native communities of its connection as being in communion with the great Church of England—to go before the British public and endeavour, by means of gross misrepresentations and statements which are absolutely incorrect and palpably false on the face of them, to enlist their sympathy and induce them to support a noble cause, is not only detrimental to the good cause itself, but also to the progress of Christianity and missionary work in these countries.... If Bishop Tugwell will talk of something else, instead of this persistent indulging in calumny and malignity simply to promote the movement against the Liquor Traffic it would, perhaps, be better for the interest of this Colony and Protectorate, and the welfare of the Church, and of the mission work in Western Equatorial Africa under him. I say that, to my thinking, these misstatements are made deliberately with a view to influence subscriptions towards the various branches of his many diocesan funds, a course clearly opposed to the true principles of Christianity, inconsistent with the high purpose and professions of his calling and the dignity of his office.”
I am not concerned with Mr. Williams’ views, but nothing could be more significant than this speech—and it is not the only Native protest which has been made in the Southern Nigeria Legislative Council—coming from a native in Mr. Williams’ position, a Christian and a total abstainer. The Native Races Committee has been singularly ill led. It has identified itself completely with extremists whose looseness of statement, whose persistency in statistical and other errors, and whose extraordinary lack of judgment were so painfully apparent when they testified before the Commission of Inquiry. It is matter for regret that divines of high position in this country and Members of Parliament have plunged into the fray without exercising sufficient caution before allying themselves to a campaign conducted on lines inconsistent with accuracy and fair play.
The literature on this subject is enormous, and several chapters would be needed to follow it in any detail. I propose, however, to summarize certain points.
First. The statements as to race demoralization and deterioration, of decrease of energy for labour; of decrease in other branches of trade; of an increase in crime and decrease of population as the result of the spirit trade, have been totally disproved. They have, indeed, been officially dropped by the Native Races Committee. Secondly. The allegations as to the evil quality of the liquor imported have also been disproved and dropped by the Committee. Thirdly. By a system of sur-taxes upon the higher forms of alcohol initiated by Sir Walter Egerton, the character of the Southern Nigerian spirit trade has been revolutionized for good in the last six years. The system inaugurated in 1905 imposed, over and above the general duty, a sur-tax of ½d. for every degree or part of a degree in excess of 12·4 under proof. This sur-tax was successively raised until it reached its present figure of 2½d., with the result that while five years ago nearly 60 per cent. of the total spirits imported varied in strength from between 45 degrees and 55 degrees Tralles, to-day something like 90 per cent. of the total spirits imported are just under 40 degrees Tralles, i.e. 28 per cent. under proof.
Fourthly. Not only is the general trade (i.e. the trade in cotton goods, hardware, etc.) increasing at a far greater ratio than the spirit trade, but the amount of alcohol imported into the Protectorate is actually decreasing, notwithstanding the enormous development of general trade and the steady opening up of the country to which the former is largely due. Here are the figures. They are official and their accuracy has been endorsed by the Secretary of State—
GALLONS OF ALCOHOL
| Years | Totals | Annual average |
|---|---|---|
| 1902-04 | 8,947,000 | 2,982,332 |
| 1905-07 | 8,746,000 | 2,915,333 |
| 1908-10 | 8,626,000 | 2,875,333 |
Fifthly. The population of Southern Nigeria, according to the 1911 census, is 7,750,000. It is believed to be, and probably is, much greater. Thus on the basis of estimated population the consumption of alcohol per head works out at a fraction over one quarter of a gallon. It is, of course, not nearly so great, and this for several reasons. The alcohol imported is not all drunk, to begin with. A great deal of it is stored, sometimes for years, as banked wealth. A great deal of it, in the Central Province and to some extent in the Eastern Province, circulates continuously as a sort of barter currency. This system, a purely native one (in certain regions cloth and tobacco are also used as currency) will gradually fade away with the increased circulation of silver coin. Then, again, a good deal of it is wasted, poured out on the ground as libations to the gods; how much it is impossible to say.
I will now conclude with a consideration of what other steps may be possible to adopt with a view to further controlling the traffic. The policy of the Native Races Committee and of Bishop Tugwell and his friends has apparently changed. Up to the time of the Commission of Inquiry they alternated between a demand for higher duties, and prohibition. Some years ago a deputation waiting upon Mr. Chamberlain put forward a request for a 4s. duty per Imperial gallon. The duty to-day is 5s. per Imperial gallon, apart from the sur-taxes already referred to. “Total prohibition” was officially demanded by the Native Races Committee shortly before the Commission was appointed. The Committee has now dropped the demand for total prohibition, which does not prevent Bishop Tugwell’s friends and coadjutors from continuing to denounce the Administration and describe the ravages of the traffic in lurid terms up and down the country. That the demand for prohibition has been abandoned is significant. Coupled with a cessation of the abusive tactics it would indicate the beginning of wisdom. That the latter continue suggests the possibility that the demand for prohibition will be or may be revived. The only concrete demands now put forward by the official spokesmen of the Committee (vide the deputation to Mr. Harcourt in July) are (1) an international conference; (2) what is described as a system of local option. That is the somewhat feeble conclusion to the raging, tearing propaganda of the last ten years.
How the Native Races Committee can reconcile it with the furious attacks upon all and sundry in which they have indulged is not my affair. At any rate, it is a confession of constructive impotence. And for this reason. International conferences on this subject are held regularly every few years, and much portentous talk is indulged in by grave gentlemen sitting round a table. As a matter of fact, Britain, as already stated, leads in the matter of high duties and adjustment of duties to strike at spirits of higher potency. We have difficulty, which is perennial, in getting the other Powers to agree to our level. At the present moment the duty levied in the French territory of Dahomey, which borders Southern Nigeria, is much lower than ours, and smuggling is the result. Therefore, whatever good a Conference may do, that good will affect foreign territory, not Southern Nigeria. As a practical policy the international conference is, thus, devoid of import so far as Southern Nigeria is concerned. “Local option” is largely a catch word which appeals to the public—always influenced by the subjective point of view. What is really meant by it is that a native community should be given the option of not buying spirits. But it has that option now! The native community of Ibadan and of Abeokuta stopped buying spirits three years ago for several months on end, because the people objected to a licensing duty, which naturally put up the price of spirits and was an innovation entirely foreign to the native mind. Any native community in Southern Nigeria is free, to-day, to buy or not to buy spirits, or cotton goods or tobacco or anything else. But a native community consists not of one Chief, but of a Paramount Chief or King (when the native state form has developed to that extent which, in the Eastern Province, for example, is not yet the case), a number of ordinary Chiefs with their councillors, and the people. It is one thing for a Native community to make up its mind not to buy spirits. It is quite a different thing for a Chief to impose his caprice, which may be purely temporary in its action, upon his people. If, for example, we suppose a Chief desirous to please the missionaries in his locality, or objecting to the present high price of imported spirits and wishing to pull it down, or for some other reason, forbidding his people to buy spirits; then the Administration would be clearly in the wrong in supporting that Chief if his views did not coincide with the views of his people. Such action would amount to coercion and interference with the liberties of the people themselves. The Chief so acting would be violating native law and assuming the powers of a dictator, which in Southern Nigeria under the native system of rule he does not possess. He could only do so backed by the British Administration, and in backing him the British Government would be making native rule impossible and inciting to disturbance and turmoil.