"What is your substitute for the marriage laws?" Rose asked him bluntly.
To do him justice, I must say that he spoke with the conviction of one who enunciates the most obvious truths, truths which did not even admit of argument.
"Union between man and woman," he explained, "is intended for the production of children. The only sane restraint which common sense should place upon this connection is the presence of human affection. That is the only restraint there should be."
"I see," Leonard murmured. "And what would become of the children?"
"They are for the State—children of the State," was the almost wondering reply. "Every household should have its nursery. For every child born, a State grant should be given."
"Is there any literature," I enquired, "setting out these altruistic views?"
"There is," Creslin replied, after a moment's pause. "The time is scarcely ripe, however, for its dissemination. If you would care to possess a text book, drawn up by myself and embodying the principles which I desire sooner or later to be accepted by the whole world, I will present you with one."
Before we went to bed that night, the precious pamphlet was in our possession.
The presence of Creslin in the country was now universally admitted by the Press, although his exact whereabouts did not once appear in print. The day fixed for the Congress of Labour leaders, to be held at Blackham, drew near. Meanwhile, Creslin was watched by detectives and press men alike. It occurred to us more than once that he almost expected and certainly hoped for arrest. I spoke on this matter to Rastall.
"There is nothing Creslin desires so much," he pointed out, "as to pose as a martyr over here. Until he begins to preach his abominable doctrines or disseminate his literature, he is on the side of the law. The sociology he preaches, apart from its sexual side, is reasonable and even finely conceived."