And now it is necessary to give the principal passages of this letter to Lyttelton and the Cousinhood, which would have been a fuller and clearer manifesto had not all politicians at that time felt a well-grounded apprehension that their letters would be opened and read before they were delivered. Fulness and clearness were therefore the last qualities aimed at in their epistolary style, and inquiring posterity rues the result.

Mr. Pitt to Sir George Lyttelton and the Grenville brothers.

March 7, 1754.

My dearest Friends,—[Then follows pompous regrets for Pelham's 'utterly irreparable' loss.] I will offer to the consideration of my friends but two things: the object to be wished for, the public; and the means; which the object itself seems to suggest; for the pursuit of it, my own object for the public, is, to support the King in quiet as long as he may have to live; and to strengthen the hands of the Princess of Wales, as much as may be, in order to maintain her power in the Government, in case of the misfortune of the King's demise. The means, as I said, suggest themselves: an union of all those in action who are really already united in their wishes as to the object: this might easily be effected, but it is my opinion, it will certainly not be done.

As to the nomination of a Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Fox in point of party, seniority in the Corps, and I think ability for Treasury and House of Commons business stands, upon the whole, first of any.

Doctor Lee if his health permits is Papabilis, and in some views very desirable. Te Quinte Catule, my dear George Grenville, would be my nomination.

A fourth idea I will mention, which if practicable, and worth the person's while, might have great strength and efficiency for Government in it, and be perfectly adapted to the main future contingent object, could it be tempered so as to reconcile the Whigs to it: I mean to secularise, if I may use the expression, the Solicitor-General,[232] and make him Chancellor of the Exchequer. I call this an idea only; but I think it not visionary, were it accompanied by proper temperaments. I write these thoughts for Lord Temple, his brothers' and Sir George Lyttelton's consideration only, or rather as a communication of my first thoughts, upon an emergency that has too much importance and delicacy, as well as danger in it, to whoever delivers their opinion freely, to be imparted any farther.

I am utterly unable to travel, nor can guess when I shall be able: this situation is most unfortunate. I am overpowered with gout, rather than relieved, but expect to be better for it. My dear friends over-rate infinitely the importance of my health, were it established: something I might weigh in such a scale as the present, but you, who have health to act, cannot fail to weigh much, if united in views.

I will join you the first moment I am able, for letters cannot exchange one's thoughts upon matters so complicated, extensive and delicate.

I don't a little wonder I have had no express from another quarter.[233]

I repeat again, that what I have said are the breakings of first thoughts, to be confined to you four; and the looseness, and want of form in them, to be, I trust, excused in consideration of the state of mind and body of

Your ever most affectionate,

W. Pitt.

As nothing is so delicate and dangerous, as every word uttered upon the present unexplained state of things, I mean unexplained, as to the King's inclinations towards Mr. Fox, and his real desire to have his own act of Regency, as it is called, maintained in the hands of the Princess; too much caution, reserve, and silence cannot be observed towards any who come to fish or sound your dispositions, without authority to make direct propositions. If eyes are really turned towards any connection of men, as a resource against dangers apprehended, that set of men cannot, though willing, answer the expectation without countenance, and additional consideration and weight added to them, by marks of Royal favour, one of the connection put into the Cabinet, and called to a real participation of councils and business. How our little connection has stood at all, under all depression and discountenance, or has an existence in the eyes of the public, I don't understand: that it should continue to do so, without an attribution of some new strength and consideration, arising from a real share in Government, I have difficulty to believe.

I am, however, resolved to listen to no suggestions of certain feelings, however founded, but to go as straight as my poor judgment will direct me, to the sole object of public good.

I don't think quitting of offices at all advisable, for public or private accounts: but as to answering any further purposes in the House of Commons, that must depend on the King's will and pleasure to enable us so to do.[234]

It will be observed that Pitt does not mention the Treasury; and he probably, though in his letter to Temple of the same date he speaks of the Duke's 'ability as Secretary of State,' took it for granted that Newcastle would succeed his brother; a proof of his perception. Yet Walpole tells us that it was to the astonishment of all men that Newcastle took the Treasury five days later.

Next we may notice that he does not mention the Secretaryship of State to be vacated by Newcastle, which would seem to show that that office had long been destined by the cousinhood for himself.

The postscript is extremely obscure, as it was probably intended to be. It seems to enjoin the greatest caution in dealing with any vague overtures which may be made, until it is known whether the King means to give his confidence to Fox, and whether he means to maintain the Regency as then established. But this phrase about the Regency is almost unintelligible.

The last sentence in the postscript is the clearest of the letter. Let us remain in office, but whether we exert ourselves there or remain in sullen silence must depend on the attitude of the King.

All this is enclosed in a covering letter to Temple—

Mr. Pitt to Earl Temple.

March 7, 1754.

My dear Lord,—I return my answer to Jemmy's and Sir George's dispatch directed to you, and accompany it with this line to give you my apprehensions of Sir George's want of discretion and address, in such soundings as will be, and have been, made upon him, with regard to the disposition of his friends.

I beg your Lordship will be so good to convene your brothers and Sir George, and communicate my letter to them which is addressed to you jointly. It is a most untoward circumstance that I cannot set out immediately to join you. I am extremely crippled and worn down with pain, which still continues. I make what efforts I can, and am carried out to breathe a little air. I write this hardly legible scrawl in my chaise.

Let me recommend to my dear Lord to preach prudence and reserve to our friend Sir George, and if he can, to inspire him with his own.

I heard some time since that the Princess inquired after my health; an honour which I received with much pleasure, as not void, perhaps, of some meaning.

I have writ more to-day than my weak state, under such a shock as the news of to-day, will well permit.

Believe me, my dearest Lord,
Ever most affectionately yours,

W. Pitt.

Fox will be Chancellor of the Exchequer, notwithstanding any reluctancy to yield to it in the Ministers; George Grenville may be offered Secretary at War; I am sure he ought to be so. I advise his acceptance. The Chancellor is the only resource; his wisdom, temper, and authority, joined to the Duke of Newcastle's ability as Secretary of State, are the dependance for Government. The Duke of Newcastle alone is feeble, this not to Sir George.[235]

Pitt's next step was to send two letters, in the same cover, to Lyttelton; one a confidential letter, the other, an ostensible one, to be sent to Hardwicke. The confidential letter, which follows, is striking, and contains as much of Pitt's plan of operations at this crisis as any that we possess.