Meanwhile it is necessary for a moment to peer outside, and take note of the world so far, and only so far, as it affects the life of Pitt; for the clouds of war were gathering fast. The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was only an armed truce, the cupidities and resentments which it had checked for the moment were still active, though mute. With two such characters as Frederick and Maria Theresa matched against each other, it was evident that Silesia would never be surrendered or abandoned without another deadly struggle. Moreover, half unconsciously, the two secular rivals, France and Britain, were drifting into a contest for supremacy over half the globe, to settle the question as to which should become the first colonising power of the world. Hostilities in India and in North America were always smouldering, and the arrangements of Aix-la-Chapelle had not extended to either region. The treaty had in no way checked the desperate war carried on in India between the English and French Companies, between Clive and Dupleix. That was presently closed for the moment by a provisional treaty signed on the spot in January 1755. In America the scene was even more poignant. There without any declaration of war, in a formal and legal state of peace, hostilities were carried on, openly and yet treacherously, by incursions connived at by the French Government. And as if to add an additional horror to these sinister operations, they were accompanied by all the unspeakable barbarities of Indian warfare, the cold-blooded murder of men, women and children, rewards from the European governors for the scalps thus obtained, and by open cannibalism.[294] Christian missionaries were not ashamed to hound on these savages to murder, torture, and rapine; nay, their professed converts[295] were sometimes the keenest in butchery. For religious fanaticism imparted an ignorant zeal to the barbarous combatants, who were taught, it is said, that Christ was a Frenchman crucified by the English. The claim that the King of France was the eldest son of the Church was construed into a much more literal interpretation of divine origin.[296] There was in fact no element of atrocity wanting to this war, which was not a war; blasphemy, murder, outrage, arson, rape, torture were all employed under the pure white banner with its golden lilies. Parkman, the historian of these operations, does not record the like of the British. But this is not to affirm there were no reprisals. For war carried on in this fashion and by the employment of savages can scarcely be one-sided in its barbarities.
But apart from the perfidious ambitions of governments and the predatory lusts of savages, there could not be peace in America, nor in effect had there been since the settlement of Utrecht. Boundaries in that trackless continent were vague, and constantly overstepped. The proper limits of Nova Scotia, and the demarcation between Canada and New England, were subjects of acute controversy. Under such circumstances both parties plant outposts in disputed territories, and both attempt to dislodge each other. French officers headed exploring parties, annexing vast territories by the simple expedient of nailing to a tree-trunk a tin plate stamped with the arms of France, and burying at the root a leaden tablet recording that possession had thus been taken. But there were other operations much less bloodless and futile. One of these petty engagements survives in history because it marks the first appearance of Washington, compelled in 1754 to celebrate the Fourth of July by aJuly 4, 1754. surrender to the French, who had surrounded him in superior numbers; and because it was the commencement of open but not declared warfare between the British and the French. Both nations now determined to send out reinforcements. 'In a moment,' says Walpole, 'the Duke of Newcastle assumed the hero, and breathed nothing but military operations; he and the Chancellor held councils of war; none of the ministers except Lord Holderness were admitted inside their tent.' With some discount for Walpole's malicious pleasantry, the picture, humorous enough to us, must have filled men like Pitt with the darkest misgivings. Pitt, as we have seen, had once been accidentally admitted into the tent and taken into confidence. He must have left it with the feeling that the destinies of the Empire were in peril so long as Newcastle was at the helm. A giant conflict for the supremacy of the world was preparing, and Newcastle was in charge of Great Britain. It was enough to give the bravest patriot aJan. 1755. qualm. Nor were the military preparations less deplorable. Braddock was sent out at the new year with a plan of campaign prepared by Cumberland. Cumberland on Braddock was a combination which might make the stoutest heart in England quail. Cumberland, who had lost every battle but the one-sided affray of Culloden, was the brain to devise. Braddock, a brutal soldier of parade experience, whose only warfare had been in Hyde Park or Hounslow, was the hand to execute. Braddock took his troops through the American bush as if they were marching fromJuly 9, 1755. London to Windsor, and was annihilated ten miles from the French stronghold, Fort Duquesne, where now smokes toiling Pittsburg. British troops then first faced the most formidable of adversaries, an invisible foe. They advanced boldly, cheering and singing 'God save the King.' But they found that they were mere targets for a host of concealed sharpshooters. Behind every tree and rock there lurked a musket. At last they broke ranks and huddled into confusion. 'We would fight,' they answered their officers, 'if we could see anybody to fight with.' Some survivors declared that they had not seen a single Indian. Others were not so fortunate. Twelve unhappy persons were tortured and burned alive by the savage allies of the French. Braddock was mortally wounded, and died after a long silence, broken only by the one pathetic question, 'Who would have thought it?'[297] His papers fell into the hands of the French and swelled the indictment with which they declared war.[298] This evil news arrived in England at the end of August, and no doubt precipitated Newcastle's attempt to come to terms with Pitt.
Three months after the departure of Braddock, the French in alarm fitted out a fleet of reinforcement, which sailed at the end of April, just as George II. was leaving his kingdom for his electorate, amid the scarce veiled indignation of his British subjects. The moment was critical, the King was old, his heir was young, the French were making great warlike preparations, every circumstance pointed to the grave impropriety of the departure. But the King was obdurate to all remonstrance. Not only was Hanover his home, he was also anxious to negotiate treaties of subsidy for its protection; treaties which were more conveniently signed away from Great Britain; that country being only required to endorse them in order to furnish the necessary supplies.
When it was certain that the French fleet was destined for America, Admiral Boscawen was despatched with a squadron to intercept it. Boscawen had eleven ships of the line and one frigate, the French fleet consisted of eighteen ships, eight of which were lightly armed as transports. The two armaments came into collision at the mouth of the St. Lawrence on June 7. Three French ships came into conflict with three1755. British ships under Captain Howe. The French commander sent to ask 'Is it peace or war?' Lord Howe replied that he must ask his admiral, who replied 'War.' Thereupon Howe attacked and captured two of the enemy, but to the mortification of the British the bulk of the French fleet got safely into Louisbourg; then a Gibraltar, now a lonely pasture beaten by the surf.
During all this year attempts had been made by negotiation in London between Mirepoix, the French Ambassador, and Newcastle, to delimit the territories in dispute, but at the news of this conflict Mirepoix left London at once. Nevertheless the French behaved with signal placability, they even released the Blandford man-of-war, which they had captured; and there was at present no formal declaration of open hostility. For Louis XV. and his mistress did not desire war with Great Britain, nor were they ready for it. A council was held at Compiègne at which the opinion of Noailles prevailed. That was to suffer and endure, so as to attract the sympathy of all Europe against Britain; only to declare war when it was abundantly proved to be inevitable; then to limit the operations to the sea, and not to be lured into any warfare on the continent of Europe.[299] It was the Government of Newcastle that moved towards hostilities. Our Admiralty behaved with great but perhaps lawless vigour. It issued letters of marque, and before the end of the year 300 French merchant ships and 6000 French seamen had been captured.
War seemed now inevitable, although at earlier stages it might, we think, have been avoided without difficulty; and there began a general hunt for alliances, which soon developed into a complete reversal of former arrangements. Maria Theresa, thirsting for revenge, sought under the inspiration of Kaunitz a strict union with France and Russia. The tongue of Frederick, biting, uncontrolled, and especially venomous in dealing with the frailty of woman, did perhaps more than Austrian diplomacy to facilitate these arrangements; for the Empress Elizabeth and Madame de Pompadour were both stung to unrelenting animosity by Frederick's reckless ribaldry. Frederick, however, took the first step himself. While France was secretly carrying on negotiations with England, which continued to the end of 1755, and neglecting to renew her previous treaty with Prussia which expired in May 1756, Frederick signed with Great Britain in January 1756 the Treaty of Westminster, by which both parties guaranteed each other's possessions and bound themselves to take up arms against any Power which should invade Germany. This instrument had the indirect but grave effect of neutralising the King's treaty with Russia for the defence of Hanover, for it precluded any foreign Power from marching troops into Germany. The news of this agreement was received at Versailles with consternation and wrath. The French Court replied to it by the Treaty of Versailles (May 1, 1756), hurriedly concluded with Austria and extremely one-sided. France agreed to respect the Austrian Netherlands, from which she might have hoped for some compensation in case of success. Both parties agreed to guarantee each other's dominions, and a secret article, aimed at Prussia, made the compact more stringent. In August a treaty still more advantageous to Austria was concluded between the two Powers; but in this some frontier towns in the Austrian Netherlands, though not specified, were to be conceded to France, when Austria was once more in possession of Silesia and Glatz.[300]
It was believed in Europe that this counterbalancing treaty to that of Westminster ensured the peace of the Continent. But the world did not yet know Frederick. He was crouching for a spring. Two circumstances impelled him. He had become aware through a corrupt Saxon clerk of a correspondence between Austria and Saxony concerting a vast confederacy against him. The second was this. We have noticed the Russian and Hessian treaties of subsidy. That with Russia had been originally concluded with a view to operations against Frederick himself,[301] and to that purpose the Empress Elizabeth was determined that it should be confined. By a personal declaration[302] and by two resolutions of the Russian Senate[303] it was made clear that hostility to Frederick alone inspired the Russian share of the treaty. He saw the circle closing round him. Three outraged women were directing the forces of three Empires against him. He had nothing to rely upon but his own country, Britain, and himself. Cognizant of the plot against him, he determined to have the advantage of attack. Like a leopard he sprang upon Dresden. Before the Saxons had well realised that war was impending he was at the throat of the electorate, and had seized the capital, the army, and the compromising papers which justified his action. This was the beginning of the worldwide struggle known as the Seven Years' War, and it occurred in September 1756.
This is all that is necessary for our story, a mere glimpse of the intrigues and rancours which were lashing all Europe into storm. We must now return to the parliamentary arena.
1755.
On September 15, George II. deigned to return to his British dominions, and on November 13 he opened his Parliament. Two circumstances were considered noteworthy in connection with the formal occasion. Fox, as leader of the House, rehearsed the Speech from the Throne, as was then the custom, at the Cockpit; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Paymaster, and the Grenvilles were conspicuous by their absence. Fox, too, summoned his supporters by a note of the kind then, as now, customary, but in terms which gave offence to the susceptible independence of members; intimating that the King was about to make him Secretary of State, though not till after the first debate, 'which may be a warm one,' so that his seat might not be vacated until after the Address had been voted. He was also to take upon him 'the conduct of the House of Commons.' This last expression was animadverted upon in Parliament, and Fox admitted that he should have said 'conduct of His Majesty's affairs in the House of Commons.' In these days, when 'leader of the House of Commons' is the recognised title of the principal Minister in the House, it is not without interest to notice this constitutional squeamishness.