Saw Lord Essex and Lord Clinton. They had heard the Duke of Orleans was proclaimed Regent.
July 31.
Went to town early. Called at the Duke's to hear the news. None had arrived since yesterday morning. The Duke said he considered the King dethroned, and we should soon have to consider whether we should acknowledge the new Government. I observed that our course must depend very much upon the manner in which the French effected their Revolution. The King had put himself decidedly in the wrong, and if they make their Revolution as we made ours in 1688, there was no reason why we should not acknowledge the new Government, be it what it might. The Duke said the foreigners were already coming to know what we thought and meant to do. We should have them all in our train, and provided we took a reasonable course on the question of Algiers, and others which might arise, we should do very well. The mischief was that this event would place the two parties in presence on every occasion, and every trifling difference would resolve itself into one of Liberal and anti-Liberal. I said I feared whatever party predominated, even if the King regained his power, France would be precipitated into a war, for no party would be able to maintain itself in quiet times. The Duke said the King's Government was becoming very dangerous. It had, as was shown in the case of Algiers, and their discussions with us, no more morality than that of Buonaparte, and it had the favour of European Powers as an ancient dynasty, while it was prepared to act upon the principles of a new one. Now, under a Government of Revolutionary origin, all their Acts would be viewed with disfavour and suspicion.
The Duke spoke very strongly against Canning's policy, in admitting France to the Triple Alliance [Footnote: By the Treaty of London with reference to Greece.] and thus bringing her into a prominent station in Europe again. She would naturally have risen again in good time. The time should not have been anticipated by us.
The Duke agreed with me in thinking the Government here would be strengthened by what was occurring in France.
I lamented Brougham's success in Yorkshire, and viewed with some apprehension the increased power it would give him. He said Yorkshire was quite radicalised by having four members. No gentleman could bear the expense—the middle classes had it all to themselves.
At a quarter to four I called at the Treasury and found Rothschild had received intelligence down to the 29th, at 4 P.M. Drummond showed me the Duke's letter to Peel which contained this account:—That there was fighting all Wednesday, the 28th, and Thursday, till 3 P.M. There had been a terrible massacre, but the troops got the worst of it. The people were led by the students of the Ecole de Droit, and of the Ecole Polytechnique. The 53rd Regiment, which it was said yesterday had joined the people, had in fact surrendered. The people had armed themselves at the Arsenal. On the night of the 28th the Guards retook the Hôtel de Ville, but were driven out again, and retired to the Louvre. The firing did not cease at the Tuileries till past 3 P.M. The people pillaged it when the troops retreated, and the tri-coloured flag was hoisted there, and on the column in the Place Vendôme. The Ministers escaped by subterraneous passages from the Tuileries, and were with the King, who had a great many troops about him at St. Cloud. La Fayette commanded the National Guard, and was a member of the Provisional Government. Generals Gerard, Lafitte, and Casimir Perrier were the others. C. Perrier was deputed to the King at St. Cloud.
No couriers were allowed to leave Paris. These letters were sent by private servants to the first stage.
I told all this to Henry, but he goes. So do many others. There were thirty people applying for passports when he went for his. On the other hand many English come away.
August 2.