If the fire of the people ceased, his troops would not fire. He fairly told the King it was not une commotion, nor even une insurrection, but une Révolution. There were not above thirty or forty people behind the barriers, but all the windows were occupied by armed men. He counselled concession, but Polignac would not hear of it. He said Polignac was l'homme le plus présomptueux he had ever seen.

When the Louvre was attacked the Swiss ran out towards the Tuileries and carried with them a battalion he had in the Place de Carrousel, as well as two guns he had with him. The rush was such he could hardly get upon his horse, and the men ran so fast that a person he sent after them on horseback found them almost at the extremity of the Tuileries garden. However, some returned to protect the retreat of about sixty men whom he had got together to defend the grille at the Arc de Triomphe in the Place de Carrousel. They were just enabled to retreat.

Marmont is violent against the Swiss, who were, he says, retained in the French service by higher pay and privileges for this very thing, and yet they ran away in this shameful manner.

Marmont means to go to Italy for a year. After that he hopes he can return to France. He has no wish to emigrate.

If the account in Lord Stuart's report be correct, France is in a deplorable state. In many parts of the country no taxes are paid, and the Republican party has not lost hope.

The conditions of what Don Pedro considers a conciliatory arrangement are entirely inadmissible. They are founded upon the marriage of Donna Maria da Gloria, and England, France, and Austria are to guarantee her against any injure she may receive from her husband. Certainly we may safely say these terms are inadmissible, and so break off all negotiations with Don Pedro, who, since these terms were proposed by him, has recognised the independent Regency of Terceira. By-the-bye, one of his terms is the payment, by Portugal, of all the expenses incurred by himself for Donna Maria.

It seems the draft of a decree of amnesty has been sent to Lisbon, and if
Miguel will pass that decree we are to recognise him.

The Chancellor and others seemed to think this was an awkward time, and we had better wait a little. I think so too. However, undoubtedly our early recognition of Miguel might lead to the prevention of a Portuguese Revolution.

There was much conversation respecting the Bank Charter. It seemed to be the general opinion that Government should take it upon itself to arrange terms with the Bank, which terms will be prohibition to any other Bank to issue notes within twenty-five miles of London. This being granted, the Bank will do the public business for 100,000£ a year less. The whole question of country banking, whether it is to be with limited or unlimited responsibility, a limited or an unlimited number of partners, is to be left open to Parliament.

I suggested that the most important question was the revision of taxation. My view now is that we must take off some of the taxes which press most on the poorer classes, and have an income tax. I dislike an income tax as much as any one. To me it is a very oppressive tax, but I believe it may become necessary.