The other case, that of the private individuals at Tranquebar, has been determined in their favour.

September 3.

Had a long conversation with Herries, with whom I rode for a long time, respecting affairs, both here and abroad. He is rather downcast. However, he thinks this Belgian insurrection will be put down. Rothschild has exported 800,000£ in silver and 400,000£ in gold to meet his bills when they become due—diffident of having anything paid to himself.

September 5.

Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. He told me the substance of a report I did not see of Col. Jones, who was sent by the Duke to the Netherlands, and is returned. He says the Prince of Orange is with 1,600 men in the park and palace at Brussels; 5,000 men are close at hand under Prince Frederick of Orange, at Vilvorde, and two bodies of 10,000 each are marching upon the same point. The troops at the palace have twelve guns. All the troops show a good disposition.

The first deputation from Brussels was rather insolent. They were treated accordingly, and told to return without cockades, &c. They did so, and the Prince agreed to go into Brussels without troops. There was a great crowd, and for a moment he was separated from the staff and the Garde Bourgeoise, and alone in the midst of the people. He leapt his horse over a barrier and so got back. A Commission of very respectable men has been appointed to investigate grievances. So the thing will rest till the meeting of the States on September 13.

There is a letter from Lord Heytesbury giving an account of his conversations with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor is violent against the Bourbons; says very correctly that his treaties only oblige him to maintain a constitutional King. Still he may recognise, but shall always consider the Duke of Orleans as a usurper.

Prussia seems very prudent; disposed to recognise, but to state the condition of peace—that the territorial possessions of 1815 shall be maintained. Austria seems to be less prudent. Metternich sent to Bernstorff the answer he intended to give, which required a declaration of not having any intention to interfere in the affairs of France, but required a pledge as to the observance of the Treaty of 1815 before recognition. Bernstorff very prudently advised Austria to recognise unconditionally.

The Spaniards seem to have been in great consternation at first.

The Minister (Addington) thinks the King and Queen are so popular, and the public interest is so much directed to the Queen's approaching accouchement, that no revolutionary movement of importance is likely to take place. He deprecates, however, the commencement of any such movement, because he thinks it would enable the Apostolical Party [Footnote: The name given in Spain and Portugal to the Absolutist and Clerical Party.] to induce the King to dismiss his present quiet Ministers, and have recourse to measures of rigour, which would infallibly ruin the dynasty. Spain, and indeed all the Powers, seem to look for instruction to England, and there can be no doubt that all will recognise and all be quiet. Salmon, when he communicated to the King the events in France, said, 'Your Majesty sees how dangerous over-zeal is in a Minister. No one could be more devoted to the Royal Family than Prince Polignac.'