But how can it be argued that the Government may be required to restore to the enemy prizes lawfully taken in war? Is it possible that the victors can be compelled to make humiliating terms with the vanquished? Certainly not—unless the means by which victory was obtained are insanely sacrificed, by permitting the squadron to go to ruin and decay. The results which have been obtained could not have been accomplished by any other measures than those adopted by the wisdom of His Imperial Majesty. Is it then justifiable, to suffer the engagements which produced such results to be evaded and set at nought? Still more monstrous—decrees have been passed, both by the Auditor of Marine and the Court of Admiralty, to punish the captors for the execution of their duty, and by means of pains and penalties to deter them from the performance of it in future.
It is even more unjust and inconsistent, that although His Majesty's late ministers held out that ships of war were to be prize to the captors, they are now declared to be the property of the state! Do those narrow-minded persons who prompted such a decree, imagine this to be a saving to the country? or do they expect that seamen—especially foreign seamen—will fight heartily on such terms? The power which the British navy has acquired arises from the wisdom of the government in making the interests of the officers and men identical with the interests of the state, which gives bounties and premiums even in addition to the full value of the prizes; whilst the insignificance and inefficiency of the navies of governments which adopt opposite principles, sufficiently indicate whether such liberality, or the want of it, is the best policy in maritime affairs.
Having said thus much on public matters, I shall very briefly trouble you with respect to myself, by stating that, as regards all which does not depend on the uncontrolled exercise of the Imperial functions—there has been no respect paid to the written stipulations entered into with me on accepting the command of the Brazilian navy, and that since my return from freeing the Northern provinces and uniting them to the Empire, every promise—written and verbal—has been evaded or set at nought, which facts I am prepared to prove beyond the possibility of contradiction.
My nature is not suspicious, nor did I ever become doubtful of
promises and professions of friendship till after the third year of
my connection with Chili—when, having swept every ship of war
belonging to the enemy from the Pacific, the Chilian ministers
imagined that they could dispense with my services. They had
not, indeed, the candour which I have experienced here, for, after
appointing me to a command without limitation as to time, they did
not publicly restrict the duration of that command to the earliest
moment that they could dispense with me. It was their
plan—while
openly professing kindness and gratitude—to endeavour, by secret
artifices, to render me odious to the public, and to transfer to me
the responsibility which they themselves incurred by bringing the
navy to ruin, and causing the seamen to abandon it, by withholding
their pay, and even the provisions necessary for their subsistence.
As for the rest, my remonstrances against such conduct were treated
in Chili just as my representations have been treated here. Like
causes will ever produce similar effects; but as there was no hostile
or Spanish party in the Chilian state, four years elapsed before
the mischiefs could be accomplished, which, by the machinations of
the Portuguese faction, have been here effected in the short space
of four months.
Truths are often disagreeable to those who are not in the habit of hearing them, and doubly offensive after long experience of the homage of blind obedience and subserviency. I have, nevertheless, always felt it my duty to the Governments under which I have served, not to abstain from uttering truths under any dread of offence, because I have ever been impressed with the conviction that speaking truth is not only the most honourable mode of proceeding, but that the time seldom fails to arrive when those who are warned of a wrong line of conduct feel grateful to the man—who at the risk of personal inconvenience, or even punishment—dared to apprise them of their danger.
In England—where mischiefs were heaped upon me for opposing a ministerial vote of parliamentary thanks to an undeserving officer—the people at once saw the propriety of my conduct, and the Government has since virtually admitted its justice. In Chili, the ministers who hated me, because they knew me to be aware of their deceitful and dishonest acts, were succeeded by others who have solicited my return. And the worthy and excellent Supreme Director (O'Higgins, whom those ministers, by their wickedness and folly, brought to ruin) found at last, and acknowledged—but too late to attend to my warnings—that I had acted towards him, in all cases, with honour and fidelity.
The error and fate of the excellent and eminent person whom I have just named—affords a proof of the folly and danger of the notion—that ministers who have forfeited the confidence of the public by breach of faith and evil acts, can be upheld by military force against public opinion, especially in Governments recently constituted. The people respected their Supreme Director; but when he marshalled his troops to uphold his evil ministers, he fell with them. Had he adopted the policy of Cromwell, and delivered to justice those who merited punishment, he would have saved himself.
Permit me to say, in conclusion, that the Ministers of His Imperial Majesty are identified with the Court of Admiralty, and with the officers whom they maintain in the different departments. Let them—I repeat—take heed that the operation of similar causes does not produce like effects; for if the conduct of these individuals shall cause the naval service to be abandoned, and shall thereby—as a necessary consequence—occasion great disasters to the Empire, I am convinced that in a short period, all the troops in Rio de Janeiro will not be able to repress the storm that will be raised against the factious Portuguese.
It is my fervent hope—that His Imperial Majesty, by gloriously adhering to the cause of independence and to Brazil, will save and unite the largest portion of his royal patrimony in defiance of the blind efforts of Portugal, and in spite of the cunning intrigues of the Portuguese faction here, to prolong civil war, and create dismemberment and disunion.
I have the honour to be,