Scotland under her early kings, Volume 1 (of 2)

by Eben William Robertson

Henceforth the ancient confederacy of the Britons seems to have been broken up into the separate divisions of Wales, and English and Scottish Cumbria—or Cumberland and Strath Clyde—never again destined to be reunited under the authority of one supreme Unben. During the reign of the Northumbrian Alfred, the Angles began to extend their encroachments from the neighbourhood of Carlisle along the whole of the south-western coast, known in a later age as Galloway, their possessions in this quarter having increased, shortly before the death of Beda, to such an extent as to justify their usual policy of establishing a bishopric; and accordingly, Whithern, or Candida Casa, the traditional see of Ninian, was revived, and placed under the superintendence of a line of Anglian bishops, which was abruptly brought to a close about a century later. The successes of Eadbert reduced the fortunes of the Britons in this quarter to the lowest ebb. Kyle was rendered tributary to Northumbria, which already included Cunningham; A. D. 756. and shortly after the middle of the century, Alclyde or Dumbarton, the strongest bulwark of the Northern Britons, surrendered to the united forces of the Northumbrians and the Picts. The capture of Alclyde must have thrown the whole of the ancient British territories in the Lennox, which were subsequently included in the diocese of Glasgow, into the power of Angus, together with a great portion of the “debateable land” between Forth and Clyde, similarly included in the “Cumbrian” diocese; and the little principality of Strath Clyde was now completely hemmed in and surrounded by hostile territories, though the gradual decline of the Northumbrian power towards the close of the eighth century, enabled the petty state to struggle on for another hundred years in a precarious species of nominal independence.[19]

After the death of Angus MacFergus, king of the Picts, A. D. 761. who is stigmatized by a Saxon writer as “a bloody tyrant,” the history of the succeeding period again becomes obscure. Bruidi his brother followed him on the throne, which, after the death of Bruidi, and an interval of fifteen years, during which it was again occupied in succession by two brothers, reverted once more to the family of Angus in the persons of his son and grandson—Constantine MacFergus, A. D. 789. also probably a member of the same race, acquiring the supreme power towards the close of the century by driving out Conal MacTeige, who lost his life a few years later in Kintyre. The names of three kings of Dalriada attest the existence of the little kingdom, without throwing any further light upon its history, though from the character of a subsequent reference to Aodh “the Fair,” it may be conjectured that he was in some sense the restorer of the line of Kintyre. A. D. 792. After the death of Doncorcin, the last of these three princes, which happened shortly after the accession of Constantine, no further mention of the province will be found in any of the Irish annals which have hitherto been published.[20]

For thirty years and upwards, the supremacy of Constantine was undisputed, and he was succeeded upon his death by his brother Angus, his son Drost, and his nephew Eoganan in the same regular order which is subsequently observable amongst the early kings of Scotland. His reign was unquestionably an era of considerable importance, tradition connecting it with the termination of the Pictish monarchy, and representing Constantine as the last of the Pictish kings—a tradition which must have owed its origin to a vague recollection of some momentous change about this period. He and his brother Angus are numbered most suspiciously amongst the immediate predecessors of Kenneth MacAlpin in the “Duan of Alban,” the oldest known genealogy of the early kings of Scotland; whilst the name of Constantine, unknown amongst the paternal ancestry of Kenneth, was borne by his son and many of his race, who would thus appear to have looked for their title to the throne quite as much to their maternal as to their paternal line of ancestry—for the mother of Alpin, Kenneth’s father, was traditionally a daughter of the house of Fergus.[21] The foundation of Dunkeld, in Atholl, during the same reign, and of St. Andrews, in Fife, during the reign of the younger Angus, point to the incorporation of both those provinces amongst the dominions of the Pictish sovereigns; for it is observable that the erection of a monastery was generally coincident with the reduction under the royal authority of the province over which the newly instituted abbot exercised jurisdiction, the authority of the ecclesiastical superior confirming and sanctifying as it were the power of the sovereign; and it will be found that when regular dioceses were instituted in the twelfth century, the whole of Dalriada had long been incorporated amongst the districts acknowledging the jurisdiction of Constantine’s monastery of Dunkeld. The Anglian line of bishops also disappear during the same reign from the diocese of Whithern, and a population of Gaelic origin, distinguished from the earlier masters of the soil, whether of Cumbrian or Northumbrian race, is subsequently discovered in possession of the entire district.[22] The power of Northumbria was on the wane, her people, distracted by civil contests, were fast relinquishing the hold they had once acquired upon the districts to the westward of the Lothians; and as the Angles, weakened by internal discord, no longer opposed a formidable barrier to the Northern tribes, the latter, gradually increasing in power, seem to have been fast settling into a stronger and more compact kingdom, in which may be traced the nucleus of modern Scotland.

The erection of Dunkeld, the sole deed of Constantine that has descended to posterity, may be traced to the inroads of the Northern Vikings, who, four years after his accession, made their first recorded appearance upon the British coasts, ravaging in the same year Lindisfarne and Iona. A few of the Scottish monks who escaped with life bore with them the relics of their founder, distributing their sacred charge between the new foundation of the Pictish sovereign and another monastery raised at Kells in Ireland; whilst the pre-eminence throughout North Briton, which had passed to Abernethy from Iona, appears to have been again transferred from the former monastery, and vested in Dunkeld, which was destined in its turn, before the close of the century, to be eclipsed and supplanted by St. Andrews.[23]

A. D. 839.

The male line of the family of Fergus appears to have terminated in the sons of the younger Angus, Eoganan and Bran, who were both killed in a disastrous battle with the Northmen; and for three years the two sons of Bargoit, Feredach and Bruidi, reigned over the Picts, the death of Bruidi making way for the first prince of the line of Dalriada, A. D. 843. Kenneth MacAlpin, who seems to have ascended the throne in right of the maternal ancestry of his father. For the next two centuries the united people of the Picts and Scots acknowledged the dominion of the MacAlpin dynasty; and though Kenneth and his immediate successors were still recorded in the annals of the age under the original title of “Kings of the Picts,” from the opening of the tenth century the ancient name of Pict, gradually dying out, was superseded by the more familiar appellation of Scot, extending, in course of time, to every tribe and every race from the Tweed and the Solway to the Pentland Firth, whose chieftains and leaders, whether native noble, or feudal baron, owned the authority and followed the banner of the representatives of the princes of Kintyre.[24]

CHAPTER II.
The Kingdom of Scotland—843–900.

The history of Scotland as a kingdom may be said in general terms to begin with the accession of the family of Kintyre; but the Scotland of the period of the MacAlpin dynasty, both in the extent of the territory to which Kenneth actually succeeded, as well as in the nature of his authority over the remainder of the kingdom, bore only a partial resemblance to the more compact feudal monarchy of a later era. Gaul, before the achievements of Julius Cæsar annexed that country to the dominion of Rome, must have presented an example of a pure Celtic system of government; and the features of that system, as described in the Commentaries of the conqueror, are plainly traceable amongst the kindred Celtic populations of the British Isles. The greater states, such as the Ædui, appear to have been aristocratic confederacies, generally exercising a sort of leadership over a number of lesser dependencies, electing annually a magistrate, judge, or Vergobreith, to govern with royal authority, and the power of life and death, and guarding, with jealous care, against the perpetuation of this authority as a hereditary appanage in any one family. In other confederacies this second phase had been brought about with more or less permanent success, and Tasgetius was re-established by Cæsar in the “kingdom” which his ancestors had acquired over the Carnutes—a proceeding which within three years cost him his life—whilst Cavarinus was confirmed in a similar hereditary authority over the Senones, which appears to have descended to his brother Moritasgus from their joint forefathers. Occasionally a number of the leading states were united in one great confederacy under a temporary head, chosen for the occasion, who was invested with royal authority over every member of the alliance, and obedience enforced to his behests by the exaction of hostages. As war was the bond of union in such confederacies, the character of the supreme leader was military not judicial; he was the Toshach not the Vergobreith; the War-king, exercising the same authority over the whole confederacy with which every Duke or Toshach was invested by each member of the alliance over their separate contingents. Attempts had not been wanting to convert this temporary authority into a permanent supremacy, as in the case of Celtillus, the father of Vercingetorix; but Cæsar records no instance of success in a course of policy which would evidently have laid the foundation of a wider and far more formidable kingdom than any that had been established by the mere conversion of the elective into the hereditary principle within the boundaries of a single state. In all these features of the government of the greater states of Gaul, there is nothing that can be considered peculiar to the people of that country alone. The annual Vergobreith is but the counterpart of the Princeps chosen in the German assemblies, and dispatched with a hundred Comites to administer justice amongst the confederated clans. Aristocratic confederacies, occasionally united under the rule of one head, or Heretoga, prevailed amongst the continental Saxons in the days of Beda, and probably of Charlemagne; a judge, perhaps elective, still governed the Visigoths at the close of the fourth century, when an infant king was the hereditary ruler of the Ostragoths; whilst Maraboduus is an example that the authority of a permanent magistrate had occasionally prevailed over the elective principle amongst the Germans, even before the days of Tacitus, when the government of a king was not unknown amongst that people.[25]

The true peculiarity of the Celtic system, the “balance of power,” is to be found in that singular principle of divided authority, which is surely traceable to the original separation of the two leading classes, and their mutual jealousy of encroachment, a jealousy which seems to have settled into a fixed principle of policy in the Celtic system of government long after its probable cause had been forgotten. Every state, every group of clans, every family even, was thus divided; two confederacies took the lead amongst the whole people; and if the Ædui or the Sequani lost their pre-eminence, the Rhemi or the Arverni stept into the vacant place; for the undivided supremacy of one confederacy—unbalanced power—would have been totally contrary to all Celtic precedent.[26] Three leading characters are traceable amongst the Gauls,—one hereditary, the Princeps or head of the race, the Cen-Cinnitd or Pen-Cenedl of later times; two elective, the Judex, supreme magistrate or Vergobreith, and the Dux or Toshach, the leader of the host. These characters are equally recognisable amongst the early Germans, amongst whom they were probably known as the Cyning or Konung, the head of the kindred—the Lagaman and the Heretoga; and they existed to a recent date in every Celtic clan long after the elective had given place to the hereditary principle, as the chief, the Toshach, and the judge, Brehon or Deempster. As amongst the Germans so amongst the Gauls, the head of the lineage was not necessarily the leader of the host, though the offices were not unfrequently united in the same person. Sedulius was dux et princeps (captain and chief) of the Lemovices; and Vertiscus “princeps,” or chief of the confederacy of the Rhemi, was also “præfectus” (captain or toshach) of their cavalry.[27] But here the resemblance ceases, for the German Lagaman—the princeps who was elected in the assembly, and dispatched with a hundred Gasinds or Comites to judge the people—never appears to have necessarily laid aside his military authority. Athanaric was Dux as well as Judex of the Visigoths; and the Frank Gasind of a later period united in his own person both military and judicial functions, as Graf, Count or Judex Fiscalis. Such was not the case amongst the Celts, who appear to have separated the judicial from the military office—authority from power—with all that jealous care in which may be traced the anxiety of the original founders of the system to preserve an equal balance between two rival castes. The Vergobreith amongst the Ædui was strictly prohibited from crossing the frontiers of the confederacy,[28] and was of course incapacitated from holding the office of Toshach during the continuance of his supreme magistracy. That this prohibition lasted only during the year of office is evident from the example of Cotus, who, failing in his attempt to succeed his brother Vedeliacus as Vergobreith, appears immediately afterwards as Toshach of the Æduan cavalry. As the Vergobreith was inaugurated by the Druids,[29] and as that class monopolized the whole administration of the laws, it is very evident that the noble who was chosen for the supreme magistracy resigned his military character during his year of office, and was enrolled, as it were, for that period amongst the ranks of the Druids. Had such a personage existed as a permanent and hereditary Vergobreith giving law to the whole Celtic race, this sacred character would have become equally permanent and hereditary, and the ruler of the Celtic people would have resembled, in this respect, the monarchs of the great eastern empires of antiquity.[30] The Gauls, however, never appear to have arrived, in historical times, at the same point of unity in their political, as in their religious, constitution; and the Hierophant, or Arch-Druid, elected for life, stood alone, and without any parallel, amongst the equestrian order. Long after the introduction of Christianity, and a thousand years after the time of Cæsar, the old principle of separating the judicial from the military functions is still clearly discernible in the Welsh “Laws of Howel Dha.” Two officers were appointed over every royal Commot, the Cynghellwr and the Maer, the former administering justice, the latter collecting the royal dues and following the king to battle; and the same system is traceable in Gaelic Scotland, where, under the Teutonic disguise of Thane and Deempster, it is easy to discover the types of the Cymric Maer and Cynghellwr.

The Celtic principle of division, or balance of power, is recognisable amongst the Cymri both in their older confederacies of Deur and Bryneich, and in the later Gwynnedd and Dyved, or North and South Wales; but it is in Ireland that the best examples are afforded of this singular peculiarity of the continual subdivision of authority. The whole country was divided as usual into North and South, or Leth Cuin and Leth Mogh, the latter containing Muimhean and Laighean—Munster and Leinster—each again subdivided into North and South, or Thomond and Desmond, Tuath-Laighean and Deas-gabhar. Ulster and Connaught were the two historical provinces of the north of Ireland, two kingdoms are traceable in legendary Ulster, and after Uladh had ceased to share in the sovereignty of the North, two families, the Dalaraide and Dal-fiatach, long contested the supremacy within the circumscribed boundaries of the province. No sooner had the great family of the Hy Nial succeeded in monopolizing the supreme power than it was at once divided into the usual separate branches of Northern and Southern Hy Nial, each gradually subdivided into the clans of Eogan and Conal, of Colman and of Aodh Slane. The predominance of a single race was, as of old, the signal for its subdivision, even the smallest clan being subject to the divided authority of a chief and a toshach.