[(17)] Macaulay, i. 15. “England owes her escape from such calamities to an event which her historians have generally represented as disastrous. Her interest was so directly opposed to the interest of her rulers that she had no hope but in their errors and misfortunes. The talents and even the virtues of her six first French Kings were a curse to her. The follies and vices of the seventh were her salvation.... England, which, since the battle of Hastings, had been ruled generally by wise statesmen, always by brave soldiers, fell under the dominion of a trifler and a coward. From that moment her prospects brightened. John was driven from Normandy. The Norman nobles were compelled to make their election between the island and the continent. Shut up by the sea with the people whom they had hitherto oppressed and despised, they gradually came to regard England as their country, and the English as their countrymen. The two races so long hostile, soon found that they had common interests and common enemies. Both were alike aggrieved by the tyranny of a bad King. Both were alike indignant at the favour shown by the court to the natives of Poitou and Aquitaine. The great grandsons of those who had fought under William and the great grandsons of those who had fought under Harold began to draw near to each other in friendship; and the first pledge of their reconciliation was the Great Charter, won by their united exertions, and framed for their common benefit.”
[(18)] I have tried to work out the gradual character of the transfer of lands and offices under William in various parts of the fourth volume of my History of the Norman Conquest; see especially p. 22, et seqq. The popular notion of a general scramble for everything gives a most false view of William’s whole character and position.
[(19)] See Norman Conquest, i. 176.
[(20)] This is distinctly asserted in the Dialogus de Scaccario (i. 10), under Henry the Second: “Jam cohabitantibus Anglicis et Normannis, et alterutrum uxores ducentibus vel nubentibus, sic permixtæ sunt nationes, ut vix discerni possit hodie, de liberis loquor, quis Anglicus quis Normannus sit genere; exceptis duntaxat ascriptitiis qui villani dicuntur, quibus non est liberum obstantibus dominis suis a sui statûs conditione discedere.”
[(21)] The Angevin family are commonly known as the Plantagenets; but that name was never used as a surname till the fifteenth century. The name is sometimes convenient, but it is not a really correct description, like Tudor and Stewart, both of which were real surnames, borne by the two families before they came to the Crown. In the almanacks the Angevins are called “The Saxon line restored,” a name which gives a false idea, though there can be no doubt that Henry the Second was fully aware of the advantages to be drawn from his remote female descent from the Old-English Kings. The point to be borne in mind is that the accession of Henry is the beginning of a distinct dynasty which could not be called either Norman or English in any but the most indirect way.
[(22)] I do not remember anything in any of the writers of Henry the Second’s time to justify the popular notions about “Normans and Saxons” as two distinct and hostile bodies. Nor do we as yet hear many complaints of favour being shown to absolute foreigners in preference to either, though it is certain that many high preferments, especially in the Church, were held by men who were not English in either sense. The peculiar position of Henry the Second was something like that of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, that of a prince ruling over a great number of distinct states without being nationally identified with any of them. Henry ruled over England, Normandy, and Aquitaine, but he was neither English, Norman, nor Gascon.
[(23)] That is the greater, the continental, part of the Duchy. The insular part of Normandy, the Channel Islands, was not lost, and it still remains attached to the English Crown, not as part of the United Kingdom, but as a separate dependency. See Norman Conquest, i. 187.
[(24)] See Norman Conquest, i. 310, 367; and on the appointment of Bishops and Abbots, i. 503, ii. 66, 571.
[(25)] See the Ordinance in Norman Conquest, iv. 392. Stubbs, Select Charters, 81.