[(35)] The writer of the Gesta Stephani[(3)] distinctly attributes the election of Stephen to the citizens of London: “Majores igitur natu, consultuque quique provectiores, concilium coegere, deque regni statu, pro arbitrio suo, utilia in commune providentes, ad regem eligendum unanimiter conspiravere.” He then goes on with the details of the election. He is borne out by the Chronicle 1135: “Stephne de Blais com to Lundene and te Lundenisce folc him underfeng;” and by William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, i. 11: “A Londoniensibus et Wintoniensibus in Regem exceptus est.” So again when the Legate, Henry Bishop of Winchester, holds a council for the election of the Empress Matilda, the citizens of London were summoned, and it is distinctly said that they held the rank of nobles or barons: “Londonienses (qui sunt quasi optimates, pro magnitudine civitatis, in Anglia).” “Londonienses, qui præcipui habebantur in Anglia, sicut proceres” (Historia Novella, iii. 45, 46). All this is exactly like the earlier elections of Kings before the Conquest.
[(36)] The words of the Charter 12-14 (Stubbs, 290) are: “Nullum scutagium vel auxilium ponatur in regno nostro, nisi per commune consilium regni nostri, nisi ad corpus nostrum redimendum, etc..... Et ad habendum commune consilium regni, de auxilio assidendo aliter quam in tribus casibus prædictis, vel de scutagio assidendo, summoneri faciemus archiepiscopos, episcopos, abbates, comites, et majores barones, sigillatim per litteras nostras; et præterea faciemus summoneri in generali, per vicecomites et ballivos nostros, omnes illos qui de nobis tenent in capite.” This is exactly like the entry in the Chronicle [1123], describing the summoning of a Witenagemót by Henry the First: “Da sone Þæræfter sende se kyng hise write ofer eal Englalande, and bed hise biscopes and hise abbates and hise Þeignes ealle Þet hi scolden cumen to his gewitenemot on Candelmesse deig to Gleawceastre him togeanes; and hi swa diden.”
[(37)] These first glimmerings of parliamentary representation were carefully traced out by Hallam (Middle Ages, ii. 146-152). They can now be more fully studied in the work of Professor Stubbs. On the summons in 1213 of four men for each shire besides “milites et barones” (“quatuor discretos homines de comitatu tuo illuc venire facias”), the Professor remarks [278]: “It is the first writ in which the ‘four discreet men’ of the county appear as representatives; the first instance of the summoning of the folkmoot to a general assembly by the machinery already used for judicial purposes.”
[(38)] On this subject the eighth chapter of Sir Francis Palgrave’s English Commonwealth should be studied.
[(39)] For the whole career of Simon I must again refer generally to Pauli and Blaauw. The great writ itself, dated at Worcester, December 14th, 1264, will be found in Rymer’s Fœdera, i. 449. It has often been noticed how small is the number of Earls and other lay Barons, and how unusually large the number of churchmen, who are summoned to this Parliament. The whole list will be found in Rymer. The parts of the writ which concern us stand thus:
“Item mandatum est singulis vicecomitibus per Angliam; quod venire faciant duos milites de legalioribus, probioribus et discretioribus militibus singulorum comitatuum, ad Regem London’ in octab’ prædictis, in formâ supradictâ.
“Item in formâ prædictâ scribitur civibus Ebor’, civibus Lincoln’, et cæteris burgis Angliæ; quod mittant in formâ prædictâ duos de discretioribus, legalioribus, et probioribus, tam civibus, quam burgensibus suis.
“Item in formâ prædictâ mandatum est baronibus, et probis hominibus Quinque Portuum.”
“This is often regarded as the origin of popular representation; but it is not in any sense entitled to that praise. The novelty was simply the assembling the representatives of the towns in conjunction with those of the counties; this was now done for the first time for the purpose of the national council.” Stubbs, 401.
[(40)] The account of this most remarkable trial, held on June 11th, 1252, is given in a letter from Simon’s intimate friend the famous Franciscan Adam Marsh (de Marisco) to Bishop Robert Grosseteste. The Latin text is printed in Mr. Brewer’s Monumenta Franciscana, p. 122, and there is an English translation in the Appendix to Mrs. Green’s Life of Countess Eleanor, English Princesses, ii. 447. Simon’s witnesses, knights and citizens, come “muniti litteris patentibus communitatis Burdegalensis, in quâ quasi totum robur Vasconiæ ad distringendum hostiles et fideles protegendum consistere dignoscitur,” setting forth how good Simon’s government was in every way, and how those who brought charges against him did it only because his strict justice had put a check on their misdoings. We may compare the words of the great poetical manifesto (Political Songs, 76).