It is a small point, but it is well to notice that the description of the King as Charles Stewart was perfectly accurate. Charles, the son of James, the son of Henry Stewart Lord Darnley, really had a surname, though it might not be according to Court etiquette to call him by it. The helpless French imitators in 1793 summoned their King by the name of “Louis Capet,” as if Charles had been summoned by the name of “Unready,” “Bastard,” “Lackland,” “Longshanks,” or any other nickname of an earlier King and forefather.
I believe that many people fancy that Guelph or Welf is a surname of the present, or rather late, royal family.
[(48)] The Act 1 William and Mary (Revised Statutes, ii. 11) entailed the Crown “after their deceases,” “to the heires of the body of the said princesse & for default of such issue to the Princesse Anne of Denmarke & the heires of her body & for default of such issue to the heires of the body of the said Prince of Orange.” It was only after the death of “the most hopeful Prince William Duke of Gloucester” that the Crown was settled (12 and 13 Will. III. c. 2; Revised Statutes, ii. 94) on “the most excellent Princess Sophia Electress and Dutchess Dowager of Hannover, daughter of the most excellent Princess Elizabeth, late Queen of Bohemia, daughter of our late sovereign lord King James the First of happy memory,” “and the heirs of her body being protestants.”
[(49)] We hardly need assurance of the fact, but if it were needed, something like an assurance to that effect was given by an official member of the House during the session of 1872. At all events we read in Sir T. E. May (ii. 83); “The increased power of the House of Commons, under an improved representation, has been patent and indisputable. Responsible to the people, it has, at the same time, wielded the people’s strength. No longer subservient to the crown, the ministers, and the peerage, it has become the predominant authority in the state.” But the following strange remark follows: “But it is characteristic of the British constitution, and a proof of its freedom from the spirit of democracy, that the more dominant the power of the House of Commons,—the greater has been its respect for the law, and the more carefully have its acts been restrained within the proper limits of its own jurisdiction.”
ὦ δημοκρατία, ταῦτα δῆτ' ἀνασχετά;
Has Mr. Grote lived and written so utterly in vain that a writer widely indeed removed from the vulgar herd of oligarchic babblers looks on “the spirit of democracy” as something inconsistent with “respect for the law”?
[(50)] The story is told (Plutarch, Lycurgus, 7), that King Theopompos, having submitted to the lessening of the kingly power by that of the Ephors, was rebuked by his wife, because the power which he handed on to those who came after him would be less than what he had received from those who went before him. ὃν καί φασιν ὑπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικὸς ὀνειδιζόμενον ὡς ἐλάττω παραδώσοντα τοῖς παισὶ τὴν βασιλείαν, ἢ παρέλαβε, μείζω μὲν οὖν, εἰπεῖν, ὅσῳ χρονιωτέραν· τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὸ ἄγαν ἀποβαλοῦσα μετὰ τοῦ φθόνου διέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον. Aristotle also (Pol. v. 11) tells the story to the same effect, bringing it in with the comment, ὅσῳ γὰρ ἂν ἐλαττόνων ὦσι κύριοι, πλείω χρόνον ἀναγκαῖον μένειν πᾶσαν τὴν ἀρχήν· αὐτοί τε γὰρ ἧττον γίνονται δεσποτικοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσιν ἴσοι μᾶλλον, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων φθονοῦνται ἧττον. διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο καὶ ἡ περὶ Μολοττοὺς πολὺν χρόνον βασιλεία διέμεινεν, καὶ ἡ Λακεδαιμονίων διὰ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε εἰς δύο μέρη διαιρεθῆναι τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ πάλιν Θεοπόμπου μετριάσαντος τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ τὴν τῶν ἐφόρων ἀρχὴν ἐπικαταστήσαντος· τῆς γὰρ δυνάμεως ἀφελὼν ηὔξησε τῷ χρόνῳ τὴν βασιλείαν, ὥστε τρόπον τινὰ ἐποίησεν οὐκ ἐλάττονα ἀλλὰ μείζονα αὐτήν. The kingdom of the Molossians, referred to in the extract from Aristotle, is one of those states of antiquity of which we should be well pleased to hear more. Like the Macedonian kingdom, it was an instance of the heroic kingship surviving into the historical ages of Greece. But the Molossian kingship seems to have been more regular and popular than that of Macedonia, and to have better deserved the name of a constitutional monarchy. The Molossian people and the Molossian King exchanged oaths not unlike those of the Landesgemeinde and the Landammann of Appenzell-Ausserrhoden, the King swearing to rule according to the laws, and the people swearing to maintain the kingdom according to the laws. In the end the kingdom changed into a Federal Republic. See History of Federal Government, i. 151.
[(51)] It is simply frivolous in the present state of England to discuss the comparative merits of commonwealths and constitutional monarchies with any practical object. Constitutional monarchy is not only firmly fixed in the hearts of the people, but it has some distinct advantages over republican forms of government, just as republican forms of government have some advantages over it. It may be doubted whether the people have not a more real control over the Executive, when the House of Commons, or, in the last resort, the people itself in the polling-booths (as in 1868), can displace a Government at any moment, than they have in constitutions in which an Executive, however much it may have disappointed the hopes of those who chose it, cannot be removed before the end of its term of office, except on the legal proof of some definite crime. But in itself, there really seems no reason why the form of the Executive Government should not be held to be as lawful a subject for discussion as the House of Lords, the Established Church, the standing army, or anything else. It shows simple ignorance, if it does not show something worse, when the word “republican” is used as synonymous with cut-throat or pickpocket. I do not find that in republican countries this kind of language is applied to the admirers of monarchy; but the people who talk in this way are just those who have no knowledge of republics either in past history or in present times. They may very likely have climbed a Swiss mountain, but they have taken care not to ask what was the constitution of the country at its foot. They may even have learned to write Greek iambics and to discuss Greek particles; but they have learned nothing from the treasures of wisdom taught by Grecian history from Herodotus to Polybios.
I have discussed the three chief forms of executive government, the constitutional King and his Ministry, the President, and the Executive Council, in the last of my first series of Historical Essays.
[(52)] Iliad, i. 250:—