INVESTIGATION RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF GENERAL AND LORD HOWE.
The managers of the war-office were doomed to similar attacks as those of the admiralty. Early in the session General Burgoyne imputing his own misfortune and the failures of all other commanders, whether by land or sea, to the administration, had moved that all the letters written by himself and other commanders to government since the convention of Saratoga, should be laid before the house. Lord North readily granted these papers, and shortly after Sir William Howe, who was now in the house of commons, as well as his brother the admiral, made a similar motion for copies of all letters that had passed during his command between him and the secretary of state for America. It was only against Lord George Germaine that Howe wished to impute blame, and him he charged with interfering on all occasions with the management of the army in America; and of imposing restraints and schemes of his own, which were conceived in utter ignorance of the country which was the scene of the war. These papers were, also, willingly granted, and Lord North further consented that the house should go into committee for inquiring into the whole conduct of the American war. At the same time, an application was made to the house of lords, to permit the attendance of Earl Cornwallis, as a material witness. After this, however, Lord North endeavoured to put a stop to this inquiry, by asserting that Sir William Howe’s character was fully cleared by the letters produced, and that government approved in the warmest manner of his services. But this attempt was attended with great odium, and the examination of witnesses was proceeded with. This examination lasted for two months, and the officers examined were, Lord Cornwallis, Major-general Grey, Sir Andrew Snape Ham-mon, Major Montresor, and Sir George Osborne, whose evidence went to establish the facts that the force sent to America was not equal to the task of subjugating America; that the colonists were almost unanimous in their enmity and resistance to Great Britain; that the nature of the country was beyond all others difficult and impracticable for military operations; and that there was no fairer prospect of success in any future attempt at conquest, than in those which had already been made. On the other hand, Major-general Robertson, and Mr. Galloway, a member of congress who had turned royalist, gave contradictory evidence on all these points, and the latter was severe in his censures on the military conduct of Sir William Howe. At the request of Howe, this witness was directed to attend again for cross-examination; but, on the day appointed, which was the 29th of June, the general not being in the house, advantage was taken of this circumstance to dissolve the committee, and thus no resolution was passed upon this subject. Burgoyne was somewhat more fortunate than Howe, as witnesses were heard in his favour and none against him. His witnesses were Sir Guy Carleton, the Earls of Balcarras and Harrington, Major Forbes, and Captain Bloomfield, who deposed that no general could be braver or more beloved by his army. At the same time they could not make out a case of good generalship in Burgoyne’s crossing the Hudson, after the expedition to Bennington, or even give a good colour to that expedition, so that their only evidence went to show that which all men knew; namely, that Burgoyne was brave, persevering, and humane, and that in advancing to and staying so long at Saratoga, he had acted according to the best of his judgment. In the course of the examination, some of the witnesses extolled the bravery of the Americans in action; but it was also shown that Gates’s army were nearly six times as numerous as that of Burgoyne’s, and that the latter were half-famished, so that it did not require any extraordinary bravery to accomplish a victory other them.
RELIEF TO PROTESTANT DISSENTERS.
The spirit of toleration which displayed itself during the last session in favour of Roman Catholics, was again exerted in the present session on behalf of Protestant Dissenting ministers and school-masters. A bill to relieve them from some painful and absurd restrictions, was carried with great facility.
DEBATES ON THE TRADE OF IRELAND.
During the month of January, Lord Nugent, after drawing a forcible picture of the distress which existed in Ireland, gave notice of his intention to move for the establishment of a cotton-manufactory in Ireland, with a power of exportation to Great Britain, and a free trade to America, Africa, and the West Indies. Subsequently a committee was formed to consider the acts of parliament relating to the importation of sugars into Ireland. The intended relief, however, was as usual counteracted by commercial jealousy in England, and all that was done by the commons was to pass two acts, for the growth of tobacco and hemp, and the manufacture of linen in Ireland, and to make a pecuniary grant, in consequence of a message from the throne. But this boon was not sufficient to satisfy the desires of the Irish people, and possibly had it been a hundredfold greater, it would not have been deemed sufficient. It has always been the fate of that unhappy country to be disturbed by restless spirits—by men who, while they profess to seek the good of the country, seek only their own self-interests. On this occasion, many self-styled “patriots” resolved to follow the example of the colonists, and a non-importation agreement was set on foot in Dublin, Cork, Kilkenny, and other places; the subscribers pledging themselves neither to import nor to use any British goods which could be manufactured in Ireland, till the Irish trade was freed from its shackles. In the midst of this ferment, as rumours were afloat of a meditated invasion by France, and Ireland was drained of its troops for the American war, the maritime towns demanded protection. Government was told by the lord-lieutenant, that the exhausted state of the public revenues rendered it impracticable to embody a militia, whence the people were given to understand that they might take measures to protect themselves. This was an ill-omened step for ministers to take, when the people of Ireland were everywhere displaying the feelings of rebellion. By it the serpent’s teeth were sown, and they sprang up armed men. The Irish obeyed the call with alacrity. Volunteers were embodied, equipped, and disciplined at private expense, on every hand, and Ireland soon exhibited the animating spectacle of a nation in arms. Ministers appear to have been very early convinced of their error; for when they saw these armed associations in their full strength, they, with the people of England at large, prognosticated insurrection and civil war. Still there was little or no disposition displayed on the part of ministers to disarm the hostility of the Irish people by redress of grievances. After the discussion of Irish affairs had ceased in the commons, the subject was introduced in the Lords by the Marquess of Rockingham, who moved an address for documents which might enable parliament to pursue measures for promoting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of both nations. The marquess, who was well acquainted with the state of Ireland, took a severe review of the revenue, trade, and government, since the year 1755; and bitterly inveighed against ministers on the subject of the military associations. The necessity for these associations, he said, should have been prevented, or the people should have been legally commissioned to take up arms under officers named by the sovereign—the men who had taken up arms to repel invasion, might soon think of employing them in resisting injustice and oppression. To prevent such a consummation, in conclusion, he urged the necessity of redressing the grievances, and of adopting some remedy to the deplorable distresses under which the Irish people were groaning. The Marquess of Rockingham was warmly supported by the Earl of Shelburne; and the only arguments urged against the address by ministers were, the late period of the session, and the necessity of proceeding with caution, and upon minute inquiry and investigation. The result was that there was a kind of compromise between the Marquess of Rockingham and the Earl of Gower, president of the council—the latter pledging himself that a proper plan for the relief of Ireland should be concocted by ministers during the recess, and be ready to be laid before parliament at the opening of the next session. Ireland, therefore, for the present, was obliged to put up with a promise.