It must have been very clear to any unprejudiced mind, that the employment of the military in the suppression of the London riots of the preceding summer, so far from being premature, had not been resorted to in time to save the city from the ravages of a lawless mob. At this time, however, as in many preceding years, no stone was left unturned by opposition whereby there was the remotest chance of bringing ministers into public contempt. They were assailed at every point wherein they were considered vulnerable; and one attack was but the precursor of another. Mr. Brinsley Sheridan, who had made his first speech during last November, and had won golden opinions by his oratory on that occasion, moved three propositions: the first declaring that the military force could not justifiably be applied in dispersing tumultuous assemblies, without waiting for directions from civil magistrates, unless outrages had broken out with such violence as to overcome civil authority, and threaten the subversion of legal government; the second affirming that the unprecedented order to the military on the 7th of June last, afforded strong presumption of the defective state of the police; and the third for the appointment cf a committee to inquire into the conduct of the magistracy and civil power during the riots. Sheridan delivered a severe philippic against the administration, which was adorned with glowing periods, and abounded in bitter invectives; but after a long debate, in which the government were fully vindicated from all blame, all the motions were negatived. On this occasion, however, Sheridan obtained the reputation of a first-rate orator, which probably pleased him more than he would have been had his propositions received the sanction of the house.
PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COUNTY ASSOCIATIONS.
During the stay of the delegates of the county associations in London, they were busied in getting up meetings of their own, and in preparing a petition to the house of commons, in which they attempted to combine all the complaints of the nation, and all the prayers for economical and parliamentary reform. These delegates, however, were compelled to sign their petition merely as individual freeholders, and not in their delegated character, inasmuch as the general sense of the house was known to be against them. Their exertions, indeed, had been matter of frequent allusion during this session; and while the few applauded them as enlightened and devoted patriots, the many denounced them as factious demagogues. Their petition was presented on the 2nd of April by Mr. Buncombe; but it was suffered to lie on the table until the recovery of Sir George Saville, who had undertaken to move for referring the petition to a committee. Sir George made this motion on the 8th of May; but the contents of the petition, and the unconstitutional character of the delegates, were severely reprobated; and the motion was lost by a majority of two hundred and twelve against one hundred and thirty-five.
THE MARRIAGE ACT CORRECTED.
It had been found, by a late decision in the court of king’s bench, that a clause in the Marriage Act of 1751 rendered all marriages unlawful whereof the banns had been published in churches or chapels erected since the passing of the act. This decision would have dissolved thousands of marriages hitherto supposed to be valid, and would also have rendered their offspring illegitimate, had not the legislature interfered. A bill was brought in by Lord Beauchamp, which had a retrospective operation, in order to render such marriages valid and their issue legitimate. This bill was adopted by both houses unanimously; and it received the royal assent early in June. After it had passed, Fox, who inherited his father’s dislike to the whole of the marriage Act, brought in a bill for amending or rather repealing it in toto. Fox’s motion, which was rejected without a division, excited much notice from the circumstance that it brought him into collision for the first time with Burke, his bosom friend. Burke as strenuously supported the original act, as Fox opposed it; considering that “it hit the just mean between a mischievous restraint and that laxity which formerly occasioned so much disorder.” Each supported their own views with their known abilities.
MOTION OF FOX RESPECTING THE AMERICAN WAR.
On the 30th of May, Colonel Hartley moved for leave to bring in a bill vesting the crown with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and finally agree upon the means of restoring peace with the provinces of North America. This motion was rejected by a large majority, but a few days afterwards intelligence arrived of reverses in North Carolina, which emboldened the opposition to recur to the subject. On the 12th of June, Fox moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider of the American war; and at the same time he gave notice that he intended to move in committee “That his majesty’s ministers ought immediately to take every possible measure for concluding peace with our American colonies.” In his speech, Fox contended that success by force of arms was impossible, and expressed his belief that the Americans would have treated upon far more moderate and honourable conditions than they ever entertained a notion of admitting. The orators on both sides went over the whole history of the war; but their oratory was chiefly remarkable for its mutual recrimination: each party endeavouring to throw the blame upon the other. In the course of the debate the memory of Chatham was treated with disrespect. It was urged by some, that he had been one cause of the dispute, or of the ill-success which had attended its management; that his notions were contradictory; and that if one of his leading principles was to be followed the war would never end. William Pitt rose to defend the character of his father; but his eloquence failed to reconcile the manifest contradictions which had appeared in the proceedings of that great statesman. When he had performed this duty, Pitt proceeded to state his own opinion on the subject of the American war. He remarked:—“The war was conceived in injustice, nurtured in folly, and its footsteps are marked with slaughter and devastation. It exhibits the height of moral depravity and human turpitude. The nation is drained of its best blood and its vital resources, for which nothing is received in return but a series of inefficient victories or disgraceful retreats; victories obtained over men struggling in the holy cause of liberty, or defeats which filled the land with mourning for the loss of dear and valuable relatives, slain in a detested and impious quarrel.” Some members, however, argued that the Americans might yet be subdued; while others doubted whether at this moment, when they were backed by France, Spain, and Holland, they would not treat all overtures with contumely. It was also questioned whether the house could, or ought to interfere with the prerogative of the crown; in which was vested the power of peace and war, and whether they could bind the sovereign by their resolution, which was not likely to be adopted by the lords. Moreover, on both sides of the house there were men who still shrunk from the idea of recognizing the independence of America, and hence, when the house divided the motion was rejected by one hundred and seventy-two against ninety-nine.