Colonel Braithwaite had assisted in the reduction of Negapatam, and when this was effected he marched into Tanjore, with the view of recovering some of the fortresses of that country, which had been captured by Hyder and his son Tippoo. Braithwaite was deceived and misled by the Tanjoreans, and while encamped on the left bank of the river Cavery, on the 18th of February, 1782, he was surprised by Tippoo and a French corps; and after maintaining an unequal contest from sunrise to sunset, his whole force were either killed or taken prisoners. This blow was almost immediately followed by the arrival off the coast of Admiral de Suffrein, with 2000 French and 1000 Caffres on board, to aid Hyder Ali in his struggle. De Suffrein had been encountered in his voyage by the squadron of Commodore Johnstone, and had been pursued by Admiral Hughes; but he had escaped all dangers, and he now succeeded in landing the forces which he brought with him at Porto Novo. These forces were under the command of M. Bussy, and they united with the army of Tippoo, and besieged and took Cuddalore, after which they advanced against Wandewash. Coote marched rapidly to the relief of that place, and on the 24th of April he encamped on the very spot where he had defeated Lally and Bussy twenty-two years before. Bussy and Tippoo retreated before Coote, and-he then threatened the strong fort of Arnee, where Hyder had deposited plunder and provisions. Hyder advanced in person for the defence of this place, and while he engaged in a loose, irregular battle, Tippoo succeeded in carrying off his stores from Arnee. Bussy now retreated towards Cuddalore and Pondicherry; Hyder put himself in quarters near the coast; and Tippoo, with some strong French detachments, hastened to Calicut, to quell a rebellion which had manifested itself among his father’s oppressed subjects—the Nairs, or Hindu chiefs of the Malabar coast. At the same time Sir Eyre Coote threw supplies into Vellore, and undertook an expedition against Cuddalore, which failed for want of co-operation.
About this time Hyder Ali was thrown into dismay by learning that Hastings had concluded a treaty with the Mahrattas. He expected that the Mahratta confederacy would invade the country of Mysore, and he intimated his intention of returning for its defence. Bussy, however, persuaded him that the war in the Carnatic was not altogether hopeless, and that means might be found to counteract the negociations of the Governor-general of Bengal, and to win back the Mahrattas, not merely to a neutrality, but to a close alliance. Accordingly he resolved to remain in the Carnatic, and he prepared to co-operate with Bussy in an attack upon Negapatam; at the same time amusing-Sir Eyre Coote, with an intimation that he might become a party to the treaty with the Mahrattas, by which Coote was rendered inactive.
During this summer Madras suffered under accumulated evils. The ravages of Hyder Ali had driven crowds from all quarters to seek refuge in the capital, and multitudes daily perished for want. Ships of rice were sent in October for their sustenance while in this condition; but the monsoon arose, and the whole were lost. An absolute famine now ensued, and it is said that ten thousand perished before any relief could be afforded from Bengal and other parts. The roads that led to the town, and the streets of the town itself, were strewed with the dead and the dying; and nothing-was heard but cries, and moans, and unavailing prayers for assistance.
In the meantime success attended the British arms on the Malabar coast. Colonel Mackenzie, who was aided by the Nairs, or Hindu chiefs, was preparing for the siege of Palagatcherry, not many marches from Seringapatam, when Tippoo arrived in that country. As Tippoo had an army of more than 20,000 men, Mackenzie was constrained to retreat towards the coast; but he halted at Paniany, a sea-port town about thirty-five miles from Calicut, where he resolved to make a stand against the enemy, who were pressing on his rear. Tippoo attacked him, but after a severe struggle he was compelled to withdraw, leaving behind him a great number dead and wounded. Whether Tippoo would have ventured another battle is very doubtful; but at this juncture he received intelligence of his father’s death, and as he had brothers and cousins, it was his interest to look after the throne and the treasures of Mysore. Accordingly Tippoo left the Malabar coast, and hastened to the camp of Plyder Ali, when, after the usual distribution of pay and donatives, he was recognised as commander of the army and sovereign of Mysore. It seems probable that had Hyder lived a few months longer, he would have made peace with the English; for he had long had his suspicions of the fidelity and the just designs of the French. Tippoo, however, scorned all overtures of peace with the English, and on the 4th of January, 1783, General Stuart, who succeeded Sir Eyre Coote in command, took the field against him. Tippoo was surrounded by dangers; for after his retirement from the Malabar coast, Colonel Mackenzie marched his sepoys by land, and sent his Highlanders and other British by sea, northward to the coast of Canara, to co-operate with a part of the army from Bombay in reducing some of the richest provinces of Mysore. The junction of these forces was effected in January, when General Mathews, who had arrived at Bombay with some royal troops, took the command of the whole. Mathews took the fort of Onore by storm, and having scaled the range of rocks which runs between the coast and Bednore, and cleared the passes at the point of the bayonet, he came upon the rich capital of Bednore, which surrendered to him without firing a gun. Other forts also surrendered at or before a summons, and Ananpore and Mangalore were carried by storm. Thus assailed before and behind, Tippoo recalled his garrison from Arcot and other places, and evacuated the Carnatic in order to defend Mysore. On his arrival in his own dominions he found that Mathews had scattered his army all over the country, in contemptible mud forts and open towns, and had fixed his head-quarters in the city of Bednore. Mathews had been further weakened by desertion. He had quarrelled with Colonel Mackenzie, Colonel Mac Leod, and Major Shaw, and these officers had repaired to Bombay to lay their complaints before that presidency. Tippoo saw that he was his prey, and he hastened to Bednore to seize him. Mathews threw himself into the fort of Bednore, but resistance was hopeless, and Tippoo, having offered very honourable terms, he capitulated. According to the terms of this capitulation, the general and his troops were to be allowed to withdraw to the coast; but instead of this, they were bound with chains and ropes, and thrown into horrible dungeons. After this success Tippoo passed the Ghauts, and went down to the sea-port town of Mangalore, into which the 42nd regiment, which Mathews had previously sent down to the coast, with some fragments of the army who had escaped, had thrown themselves. Tippoo and his French allies invested Mangalore, and counted on a short and easy conquest; but they were detained before its walls for months, and were thereby prevented from engaging in more important operations.
On the departure of Tippoo from the Carnatic, General Stuart had only the French and some sepoys to contend with, and these were posted behind their fortified lines at Cuddalore. Against these he directed his operations, while Admiral Hughes was to co-operate with him, and to prevent Admiral de Suffrein from aiding in the contest. Several encounters took place both by sea and land, but nothing decisive had occurred, when news reached Madras that a treaty of peace had been concluded between France and England. On receiving this intelligence a flag of truce was dispatched to M. Bussey, who agreed to a cessation of hostilities by sea and land, and also to invite Tippoo to be a party in these pacific arrangements. Tippoo was alarmed at the prospect of being left alone in the war, but at the same time he did not show himself to be anxious for peace. In his reply, he intimated, by his vakeels, that everything the English had taken from him must be restored, while he made scarcely any mention of restitutions to the English. At the same time he continued the siege of Mangalore, and made desperate efforts to get possession of it. Nor were military operations suspended by the English, for while Lord Macartney sent three commissioners with Tippoo’s vakeels to Seringapatam to treat there, a series of operations were carried on by the British troops in the very heart of the obdurate nabob’s dominions.
While General Stuart was carrying on operations against the French at Cuddalore, Colonel Fullarton, who had arrived from England with some of the reinforcements at the end of the preceding year, was making a rapid progress in the country beyond Tanjore. Fullarton had taken the fortress of Dindigul by storm, and had captured the fortress of Daraporam, in the province of Coimbntoor, which opened one of the roads to Soringapatam, and was only about one hundred and forty miles from that city. At this point he was recalled to the aid of General Stuart at Cuddalore; but when the news of peace between France and England arrived, and when it was found Tippoo showed no signs of a desire for a cessation of arms, Lord Macartney reinforced him with 1000 sepoys, and directed him to resume his campaign. Fullarton first turned his arms against the numerous polygars of Tinevelly, who had thrown off all allegiance to the company at the commencement of Hyder’s invasion; and having reduced them to complete submission, he continued his march to Dindigul and Daraporam. He had neither money nor supplies with him; but his wants were well supplied by the Rajah of Travancore, and by other rajahs on the Malabar coast, who were all interested in the overthrow of Tippoo. On arriving in the neighbourhood of Daraporam, Fullarton halted for a short period, in order to receive intelligence from the three commissioners sent to Seringapatam. On the receipt of a letter, however, from the residency of Tellichery, informing him that Tippoo had recommenced hostilities at Mangalore, Fullarton took immediate measures to resent the insult. His first operations were against the fortress of Palagatcherry, which was considered one of the strongest in all India. This fortress was captured, and the English found therein 50,000 pagodas in money, together with a large supply of grain, ammunition, and military stores. Fullarton next directed his operations against the fort of Coimbatoor, which likewise fell into his hands. All the strongest fortresses in the country were now captured, and another ten days of march would have brought him before the walls of Seringapatam. This would have been accomplished without any difficulty, for there was no Mysorean army in the neighbourhood capable of withstanding his forces; and every rajah bordering on the territories of Mysore was favourable to his cause. It is evident, indeed, that the power of the British might have been established in the whole of Southern India, and Fullarton rejoiced in the bright prospect. Just as he was setting forwards on his inarch to Seringapatam, however, to secure the golden prize, he received orders from the government of Madras to restore his recent conquests. At Tippoo’s request, two English commissioners had been sent to his camp to treat for peace, and this unqualified restitution was enjoined by the commissioners as the preliminary of negociation with the artful nabob. Yet all the while Tippoo continued the siege of Mangalore, and while Fullarton was retracing his steps towards Tanjore and Trichinopoly, that fortress, after sustaining a siege of nine months, was captured; Colonel Campbell, who had bravely defended it, being allowed to march with his troops unmolested to Tellicherry. The continued siege of Mangalore and its capture exhibited the bad faith of Tippoo; and it was scarcely evacuated when Fullarton, who had not reached the old boundaries, received orders from Madras to renew operations, and to regain, if possible, the possession of Palagatcherry. Fullarton again advanced with the main body of his army, and was again flattering himself with the hope of being the conqueror of Seringapatam, when he received fresh orders to return. Preliminaries of a peace had been exchanged between the commissioners, and he was directed to restore the forts and countries of Carroor and Daraporam, but to keep possession of Dindigul, and station a garrison there till all the English prisoners in Mysore should be liberated from their horrible captivity. The treaty between the English and Tippoo was finally concluded on the 11th of March, upon the condition of a restitution by both parties of all that they had gained during the war. All the prisoners in Mysore, who had survived their horrible captivity, were released; and the tales told by them excited such horror and indignation, that it became evident peace would not be of long continuance. Peace, indeed, was not wholly restored in India by this treaty; for, unfortunately, no stipulation had been made in favour of the native chiefs, who had favoured the English cause, although the bloodshed and devastation which awaited them must have been foreseen On the return of Tippoo’s army, therefore, its services were employed in scourging the wretched Hindu population of Coorg, Canara, and Mysore, thousands of whom he compelled to embrace the faith of Islamism. Nor was it against the natives alone that he turned his arms; for one of the first acts by which the tyrant signalised his reign, was the deportation, and forcible conversion to Islamism of 30,000 Christians, from Portuguese settlements on the coast of Canara. Soon after his return to Seringapatam his name was changed, from Tippoo Sultaun, to that of Shah Allum, and he also assumed the regal title of Padisha, and ordered his court to observe all the forms and ceremonies which were in use at Delhi.
Although Tippoo was a gainer by this untoward treaty, yet the grand result of the war was, that our Indian empire was saved. The expenses of this war, however, had been great; and as the greater part of the money could only come from Bengal, Hastings had, during its progress, been carrying on a system of exaction, which reflects no honour on the English name. The only excuse that can be offered on his behalf, is, that he felt that the Carnatic must be rescued and India saved, be the cost what it might. It was known to Hastings that many of the neighbouring princes, who owed their political existence to the power of the English arms, and were dependent upon the government of Calcutta, possessed hidden treasures of vast amount; and as he had no other means of obtaining the requisite supplies for the maintenance of the war, he determined that they should disgorge. Cheyte Sing, the Rajah of Benares, was the first to whom he applied the pressure. Demand after demand was made and supplied; and when no more could be obtained, the rajah, who was one of the most faithful allies of the English in all India, was driven from his throne. A nephew of Cheyte Sing was selected to fill his post; but every vestige of sovereignty was taken from him and placed under the control of the company’s resident at Benares. By this revolution an addition of £200,000 was made to the revenues of the company; but as there was no more ready money in Benares, and as this was a sine qua non, Hastings determined to apply the screw on other chiefs. His next victim was Asoff-ul-Dowla, Nabob of Oude, and master of Rohilcund, one of the most extravagant and debauched of all the Indian princes. Asoff-ul-Dowla proved to demonstration that he had no money, and that he could not even defend himself against the Mahrattas and the Rohillas, or even against the discontents and insurrections of his own subjects, if he was not supported by the company’s servants. But if the Nabob of Oude had no money, his mother and grandmother had; for Sujah Dowla had left a considerable part of the treasures which he had in hand to these two ladies, and had bequeathed them, in addition, certain jaghires. In an interview, therefore, with Asoff-ul-Dowla, in the fortress of Chunar, Hastings consented that some of the company’s troops should remain in Oude for his defence against his enemies; but only on this condition, that he should rob his mother and grandmother. The undutiful nabob had before endeavoured to gain their treasures for himself, and had, in fact, obtained large contributions from their purses; but though he showed himself a true robber, yet when he found that the money was to go into the hands of the company, he was reluctant to rob any more. He consented, indeed, to seize the treasures for the use of the company, on condition that he should possess the ladies’ jaghires himself; but when he returned to Lucknow his heart misgave him. Hastings, however, was not to be disappointed. On discovering the nabob’s reluctance, he wrote to him and to Middleton, the British agent at that place, urging him to fulfil his agreement, and ordering Middleton to do the work himself if Asoff-ul-Dowla still delayed. To save his authority the nabob now seized the jaghires, but he still spared the treasures; and Middleton took this work into his own hands, or, at least, acted in conjunction with the nabob. The victims lived at Fyzabad; or, the “Beautiful Residence,” about eighty miles to the east of Lucknow; and the robbers, accompanied by some sepoys, repaired thither; and by throwing two old eunuchs in the palace, who had been the confidential servants of Sujah Dowla, into a dungeon, they succeeded in extorting from the ladies treasures to the amount of more than £500,000 sterling. But this was not sufficient for the support of the ruinous war in the Carnatic; and Hastings laid claim to the revenues of the jaghires which the nabob had seized as his portion of the robbery. But Hastings, in his transactions with the Nabob of Oude, did not seek money for the company alone; for, during the conferences at Chunar, he accepted a present of £100,000, which, on the part of the governor-general, was altogether illegal, and therefore subjected him to the charge of venality In the conferences of Chunar, it was agreed that the Nabob of Oude should, “when time should suit,” take possession of the territories of Fyzoola Khan, the last of the great Rohilla chiefs that remained in Rohilcund, under pretence that by his independence he caused alarm to Asoff-ul-Dowla. The chief design of Hastings, however, was to extort money from Fyzoola Khan; and when he found that there was no money in the country, he put his interdict on any hostile proceedings by the Nabob of Oude; poverty therefore was his protection.
It must not be supposed, however, that Hastings ventured to rob the palace of Fyzabad as a robber of the Robin Hood order. Up to the time of his wanting money for the Carnatic war, he had protected the mother and wife of Sujah Dowla, and had even written to Middleton, commanding him to take active measures for preventing Asoff-ul-Dowla from plundering them; asserting that they were entitled to English protection. But now, when it was determined to despoil them of their jaghires and their money, it was thought expedient to devise some means of colouring over the transaction, so as to save his honour and reputation. Doubts were now thrown out as to the validity of Sujah Dowla’s testamentary bequests; and the ladies were represented as dangerous rebels and traitors to the company. His violence to Cheyte Sing had created an insurrection at Benares, which could only be quelled by bloodshed; and this was followed by some slight disturbances in the province of Oude. Nothing, however, could be further from the truth than that these old ladies had taken any part in the tumult. They were, indeed, too fond of their money to spend it in exciting insurrection. Nevertheless, this was made the plea for robbing them; and to carry out the farce, after they had been plundered of their wealth, they were tried for the imputed offence at Lucknow, by the chief-justice, Sir Elijah Impey, an old schoolfellow and bosom-friend of the govern or-general. Impey had not the slightest authority at Oude; but it was thought that the presence of the head of the supreme court at Calcutta would impart a dignity to the proceedings, and give a fair colouring to the act. It was not difficult in India to obtain a conviction; for men who would perjure themselves by giving false witness were to be met with on every hand. A host of such were brought forward, therefore, with affidavits ready drawn in their hands, to testify against the victims. The result was certain: a partial judge and false swearing convicted the accused, and by their deaths justified the deed which stripped them of their jaghires and money. The services which Sir Elijah Impey rendered Hastings, in this and many other transactions in India, were rewarded by his appointment to the office of judge of the Sudder Dewannee Adaulut, or Court of Appeal, which Hastings separated from the supreme council at Calcutta for that purpose. This new office added £7800 a year to the £8000 which he already enjoyed, as king’s chief justice. This, in effect, made him a servant of the company; and subsequently some of his juniors received company’s places or gratifications: as Sir Robert Chambers, who was made company’s judge at Chinchura. But this was contrary to the spirit, if not to the letter of the regulating act of 1773; and in a committee of the house of commons on Indian affairs, it was declared that the power conferred upon Sir Elijah Impey in his new capacity was exorbitant, dangerous, irregular, and illegal, and a bargain between Hastings and him not to be permitted: that by selling his independence to the governor-general, he sold the administration of justice and vitiated his tribunal. This was during Lord North’s administration; and soon after, on the 20th of March, 1782, the Shelbourne and Rockingham administration was formed. Reform under this shortlived government became the order of the day; and on the 3rd of May, an address was carried in the house of Commons, by a large majority, for the recall of Sir Elijah Impey, to answer to the charge of having “accepted an office not agreeable to the true intent and meaning of the act 13 George III.” About the same time Hastings himself had a narrow chance of being recalled as a criminal, to answer for his conduct at Benares; but as the danger of India was at its height when the last news arrived, and as it was supposed that he alone was capable of protecting the British interests in that country, he was permitted at present to go unscathed.
Hastings retained his station till February, 1785, when, without any previous notice, he resolved to quit his government and return to England. The last years of his administration had been marked by judicious measures; measures by which India was restored to a state of tranquillity, which had not been known for ages. He had also made some atonement for the crime committed against the wife and mother of Sujah Dowla by ordering the jaghires—not the money, for that was all spent—which had been unjustly seized, to be restored to Asoff-ul-Dowla. His last actions seemed to have wiped out the remembrance of the deeds for which he had been loudly condemned, for on his arrival in England, the board of directors voted him thanks for his long and meritorious services, and Mr. Dundas, who had moved for his recall in 1782, and who had declared, that “he could scarcely leave the walls of Calcutta, that his steps were not followed by the deposition of some prince, the desertion of some ally, or the depopulation of some country,” now asserted in the house of commons, that had he been one of the directors, he would have concurred in their vote, and that he was glad that the resolution, which he himself had moved for his recall, had not been carried into effect. At court also Hastings was received with favour and treated with distinction, and though on his arrival, Burke had menaced him with impeachment, yet, months rolled on, in which he was left undisturbed; and he was still unmolested when the parliament reassembled in January, 1786. But this calm was only the prelude to a storm, which suddenly broke over the head of Hastings, and disturbed his peace.
GEORGE III. 1786-1787