Parliament was prorogued by commission—the king-having gone to Weymouth for his health—on the 11th of August. The speech was delivered by the lord chancellor, in his majesty’s name; and in it his lordship observed, that, although the good offices of the king and his allies had not been effectual for the restoration of general tranquillity, yet the situation of affairs abroad continued to promise to this country the uninterrupted enjoyment of the blessing of peace. But this view of the state of Europe was superficial: in reality it promised nothing but strife and bloodshed. This will be manifested in the next section.
CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS.
At this period war and anarchy were disturbing a large portion of the continent. In the preceding year, Gustavus, King of Sweden, offended at the intrigues of Russian emissaries; jealous of the extended power of the Czarina Catherine; and anxious to recover the territories which had been wrested from his predecessors, had commenced a war with Russia. Gustavus was aided by a subsidy from the Turkish Sultan, who was at war with Russia, and he entertained hopes of assistance from Great Britain and Prussia. The Danes were engaged by treaty to assist the Russians, and fearing the result of this alliance, the courts of Great Britain and Prussia, without engaging directly in the contest, encouraged diversions both in Poland and Sweden. But Gustavus had enemies in his own dominions. His nobles had never forgiven him for overthrowing their unbounded power, in 1772, and the war against Russia, which he began without the assent of the states, was the signal for revolt. Many of these nobles were superior officers in the Swedish army, and they conspired against the king; and, declaring that the war undertaken was contrary to the constitution, they sent deputies to St. Petersburgh, in order to negociate an armistice, which was effected. At the same time a Danish army invaded Sweden and menaced Gothenburg. The situation of Gustavus was a critical one, but he was delivered from all danger by his high courage, and the good offices of the courts of England and Prussia. These courts, having in vain offered their mediation between those of Petersburg and Stockholm, so effectually intimidated the Prince of Denmark, who governed the state for his incapable father, that he promised to abstain from all hostilities. Gustavus now convoked a diet at Stockholm, in which an act of union and security was proposed and adopted by the three lower orders of the assembly; which act gave him unlimited power, and invested him with the right of waging war without the consent of the states; made all classes of society equal in rights of property and security, and all places and offices accessible to the citizens; and established colleges of government, responsible to the king, instead of the senate of the kingdom, whose authority had been independent. The aristocratic senate of Stockholm, which had been abridged of its powers in the revolution of 1772, was now entirely suppressed, and while many of the members were arrested and thrown into prison, others fled to St. Petersburgh, where they lived under the protection of the czarina. Gustavus now hastened back to his banners on the Russian boundary, and in the course of this year, 1789, several severe and bloody actions took place, in most of which he was victorious. Towards the close of the campaign, however, while in Russian Finland, his galley-fleet, which moved along shore and co-operated with his army, was defeated by a more numerous galley-fleet belonging to the czarina, and having lost many of his best troops, he was compelled to evacuate the Russian territories and retreat across his own frontier. After this both armies went into winter-quarters.
In the meantime, notwithstanding the exertions made both by England and Prussia to restore peace, war continued between the imperial courts of Austria, Russia, and the Porte. Early in this year’s campaign, the Austrians overran the greater part of Wallachia, and Moldavia, and the Prince of Saxe Cobourg, who commanded them, being joined by the Russians under Suvaroff, gained a great victory over the grand army of the Turks at Martinitzi. Subsequently, Belgrade was captured by the Austrians, and on the northern frontier the Russian General Potemkin defeated another Turkish army, at a place called Tabac, not far from the town of Bender. Flushed with victory Potemkin sat down before Bender, but though the garrison was a small one, and the fortifications contemptible, it was not captured till its walls were utterly demolished. Before winter set in the Russians captured several places on the shores of the Black Sea, and others on the Dniester and the Danube. They had, indeed, reduced almost every important place between the Danube and the Bog and Dnieper. On the other hand, the Turkish fleet defeated the czarina’s flotilla or flotillas, on the Black Sea, and successfully checked the Austrians, who after the reduction of Belgrade, undertook the siege of Orsova.
Commotions every where prevailed. While the Austrian emperor was prosecuting victories and conquests from which he could not hope to derive any permanent advantages, he contrived to alienate from himself the affections of the people of the Netherlands. This people consisted of independent states, resembling each other in manner, character, and constitution of government; their polity being composed of three orders, clergy, nobles, and people, under the limited principality of one personage, denominated Count. The Netherlander had shown an heroic devotion to his mother, Maria Theresa, and were warmly attached to his own person. Animated, however, by a restless spirit of innovation, he dared to interfere with their ancient privileges and religion—two objects of which they were particularly tenacious—and thus created a spirit of disaffection throughout all the Low Countries. Under the plea of reform he made innovations in their ecclesiastical establishments; suppressed the most venerated judicial institutions; appointed new and despotic tribunals; subverted the legislature, by abrogating the power of the assembly of states, and instituted a general government, with a court minister at its head; and finally attacked the clerical order, by overthrowing those institutions which were the very nursery of its priesthood. These sacrilegious acts roused the choler of the people; open rebellion was the natural result; and the people were victorious. The imperial troops committed many excesses throughout the Low Countries, and dyed their swords in blood; but the Netherlander, strong in the justice of their cause, finally triumphed. By the close of this year the Flemings, the States of Brabant, and all the other provinces, with the exception of Luxembourg, completely established their independence.
It seems clear that the revolt of the Netherlander did not arise from that democratic spirit which everywhere prevailed at this period, but from the rapacity and usurpations of the Austrian emperor. It is dangerous to touch ancient constitutions, and still more dangerous to lay violent hands upon venerated religious establishments. But while the Netherlander may be acquitted of being inflamed with the fierce passions of democracy in their struggle with the Emperor of Austria, as much cannot be said of other people and nations. At this time, indeed, a party existed in most countries, whose aim was to overturn the existing order of things, of which the efforts at revolution in several small states, such as Aix-la-Chapelle and Geneva may be cited as examples. These were so many instances of the democratic spirit which now prevailed; but they sink into insignificance when compared with the commotion which had commenced in France.
Incidental mention has been made of the financial embarrassments of the court of France; embarrassments which were in a great measure induced by the impolitic interference of that court in the dispute between England and her American colonies. Such was the deplorable condition of the French treasury in 1780, that a national bankruptcy was only avoided by the issue of paper money, which by a royal edict was enforced on the people, who were enjoined to receive it as gold or silver. Added to this a scarcity was threatened, and many of the people were actually perishing for want of bread. The prime minister, Necker, who was at the head of the French government during the American war, had incurred the hatred of the court party, and had been compelled, in 1781, to leave the kingdom. His successors were first Calonne, and then Brienne, both of whom failed to deliver the nation from its distresses. In 1788, therefore, Necker was recalled, and placed anew at the head of the finances, and also admitted to the council of state. Necker was at this time the hope of the nation, but there was no man in existence who could effect its salvation. Urged by the people, one of the first measures of Necker was to procure an order of council for the assembling of the States-general, which it was thought, could alone rescue the nation from impending ruin. The meeting of the States-general would probably have been attended with no ill effects, had it been constituted as in ancient times. Instead, however, of there being an equal number of nobles, clergy, and commons convoked, Necker unfortunately prevailed upon the king to summon six hundred of the commons, making that body numerically equal to the other two estates, and therefore capable of successfully opposing their measures. This was fatal to the peace of the nation, for the mass of the people of France, from among whom the commons were convoked, were rampant for a change in the existing order of things—were revolutionists at heart. The factious spirit which prevailed among them was discovered at the very opening of the States-general, which took place on the 5th of May, 1789, at Versailles. After the king had delivered a speech, in which he expressed a hope that it would communicate new vigour to the nation, re-establish public credit, and open additional sources of happiness, a question arose, “Should votes be taken by order, as heretofore, or by head?” This provoked the parties to combat, and the commons prevailed: the votes were to be taken by head. This clearly gave the preponderance to the commons, or third estate, since their number was equal to that of the nobles and clergy and they might expect some adherents from both those parties. Within six weeks, indeed, the third estate being strengthened by a part of the lower clergy, upon the motion of the Abbé Sieyes, declared themselves the national assembly. This was a great step, and the first imposing phenomenon of the new order of things. It caused great joy among the people, great movements among the nobility and the clergy, and great consternation at court.
To stem the onward tide of revolution which threatened to overwhelm the nation, the king, by a herald at arms, declared that the debates of the assembly were suspended, and that it was his majesty’s intention to hold a royal session. The hall of the states was now closed, but the deputies, under their first president, Bailly, assembled at one time in the Tennis Court, and at another in the Church of St. Louis, and took an oath to remain united until the regeneration of the state was accomplished. The royal session took place on the 23rd of June, and the king having pronounced the previous resolutions of the assembly to be illegal, ordered the estates to leave the hall, and withdraw each to their chamber, to deliberate there upon certain subjects which he laid before them. He would consider himself, and himself alone, he said, as the representative of the nation, and threatened to take all necessary measures into his own hands, if the national assembly acted contrary to his wishes. But the words of the monarch fell upon the ears of men who hated royalty, and who were resolved upon stripping the diadem from his brow. Being by this time joined by the greater part of the clergy, who seem to have considered that their interests were blended with those of the people, the commons resolved not to stir from the hall. The command of the king was repeated by a royal messenger, and then was seen the determined hostility which prevailed in the assembly towards the courts. “Only the force of bayonets,” said Mirabeau, “can drive the deputies of the people from their seats.” The assembly, therefore, still remained, and on the following day was reinforced by some members of the nobility, with the Duke of Orleans at their head. The king was perplexed; but hoping still to counteract their measures, he ordered the majority of the nobles, and the minority of the clergy to unite with the third estate, whereby the national assembly was finally completed. But there was still no reconciliation. Thirty thousand armed men, foreigners, were assembled in the vicinity of the capital, under the command of Marshal de Broglio, and these hostile preparations excited the people to revolt, engaged the representatives of the nation in a struggle between opposite duties, and alarmed the friends of liberty. All Paris—all France, became agitated and excited to action. Patriotic societies were formed as guides of the wild-fermenting masses of the people, and means of resistance were debated upon and adopted. In the midst of the commotion, a report was spread that Necker and Montmarin, the two popular ministers, had been dismissed and banished the kingdom, and that they and their colleagues were succeeded in office by men who were decided advocates of the ancient régime. Now commenced insurrection. On the 14th of July the people rose en masse, and being joined by the French guards, they stormed and captured the Bastille. Alarmed at these proceedings the king discharged his new ministers; recalled Necker; sent away the foreign troops, and threw himself into the arms of the nation. Joy and acclamation succeeded, and a festival of reconciliation was celebrated at Paris, between king and people, which seemed to presage the return of harmony. But there were two parties in the state who were far from being satisfied with the reconciliation thus brought about—the aristocrats and the democrats. The former saw their downfall therein, and rather than submit to such a state of things, great numbers went into voluntary exile. By their departure, the king was left without defence and counsel in the midst of the roaring storm—was left to the mercy of men who were in heart his most deadly enemies. He assumed the tri-coloured cockade, and sanctioned the decrees of the assembly, which aimed at the overthrow of the old, and the establishment of a new government; but still, though he complied with their every wish, it was evident, to all men of discernment, that he had not the affections of his subjects, and that his life was not safe in their hands. After his apparent reconciliation with the Parisians, Louis hastened to Versailles, where he hoped to remain in peace. But it was scarcely to be expected that a people, and especially the people of a corrupt capital, after they had broken the bonds of obedience, would immediately return to social order. Despite the exertions of Bailly, the recently elected mayor of Paris, and of Lafayette, the head of the newly created citizen militia, tumults were the order of the day. Famine raged in the city, and urged by it, as well as by a desire of revenge, many fell victims to the fury of the multitude. Thus Foulon, counsellor of state, and thus Berthier, his son-in-law, hitherto intendant of Paris, perished. Accumulated murders were committed in the capital, and similar scenes occurred in the provinces. Several cities followed the example of Paris, and in the country the peasants armed themselves against the nobles: the times of King John seemed to return. These crimes are in a great measure to be imputed to some members of the national assembly; but in the month of August the better part got a resolution passed, whereby the disturbers of the tranquillity were reminded of their duty, and the national guards, which were promptly raised in the whole kingdom, charged with the maintenance of order and security. But resolutions and decrees, and even the sword, were still impotent to allay the rash fury of the populace. It was suspected by them that the higher orders were not sincere in the sacrifices to which they had assented, and a rumour was industriously spread abroad that preparations were making for the retreat of the king to Metz, in Lorraine, where the royal standard was to be raised in opposition to the national assembly. Nor does it appear that the king was sincere in the concessions which had been wrung from him, or that he intended their perpetuation. At all events, if the king himself was sincere, it is certain that the queen and her counsellors turned their thoughts towards the restoration of the monarchy. Full of warlike sentiments, the court brought the regiment of Flanders to Versailles, and surrounded itself with soldiers, whence not only the populace suspected its movements, but the municipality of Paris became alarmed, and Lafayette himself spoke openly of a plot against liberty. A fresh insurrection now took place. Urged in part by famine, in part by wild cannibal passions, and in part by objects of treason and ambition, on the 5th of October, several thousand furious women, intermixed with a number of men of the most abandoned characters, assembled together, and after having committed some outrages, set up a long and hideous cry “To Versailles!” And the cry was not long confined to them. It resounded also among the citizen-militia, and among the great mass of the population of Paris, and Lafayette placed himself at the head of the insurrection. On the night of the 6th of October the palace of Versailles was attacked; many of its defenders were slain; and the king and the royal family, being rescued from the hands of the infuriated mob by Lafayette at the head of the national guard, were carried in triumph to Paris. The heads of the unfortunate defenders of the monarch, fixed on pikes, adorned the procession as it passed through the streets of the city. This new triumph of the populace occasioned another change in the constitution by the national assembly: the king being compelled to accede to every thing which they chose to establish. But France was not yet tranquil. The king and the people—except the factionists—became again, in appearance, if not in reality, reconciled; but there was still an under-current of mischief at work, which finally involved the monarch in ruin, Paris in bloodshed, and all Europe in war!
GEORGE III. 1789-1791