AFFAIRS OF POLAND.
France was not the only European state now in commotion. It has been seen that the two imperial courts of Austria and Russia had seized a great portion of Poland as their prey, and that they had imposed their yoke upon the nation. This ignominious situation of Poland remained unchanged until the year 1788, when, encouraged by the war which had broken out between their oppressors and the Porte, and by the secret promises of Prussia, the Poles meditated the means of effecting their salvation. The Russians had requested them to conclude a defensive alliance against the Porte; and, under these circumstances, a diet assembled in Warsaw, which immediately declared itself a confederated diet, in order that it might not be dissolved by the right of veto, which, under the old constitution, belonged to every deputy individually. Those who were in the interests of Russia were completely overpowered by the patriotic party, and the proposed alliance was rejected. The confederative diet further decreed the increase of the army, granted imposts on the property of the nobility and clergy, and established a commission of war dependent on the diet only, in order to check the influence of the permanent council of state, which their spoliators had created, for the purpose of destroying the national power. All these regulations were expressly sanctioned by Prussia, and that power solemnly promised to respect and protect the independence of Poland. Thus supported, the Polish diet demanded the removal of the Russian troops from their territory; and Catherine, alarmed at the terrible energy with which the demand was made, felt herself compelled to recall her soldiers. The diet now commenced the work of remodelling the constitution of Poland. The new constitution was finished in the space of a year; and though it was opposed by some aristocrats it was adopted by the majority, and solemnly sworn to and proclaimed. By this constitution the Catholic religion was fixed as the dominant religion of the kingdom, though liberty was granted to other confessions; the Polish throne was declared hereditary; Frederic Augustus of Saxony was appointed the successor of Stanislaus, the reigning king, with right of succession for his descendants; the king, with his council of state, was to exercise the executive power, and was to have some influence on the legislative; the diet, which was composed of two chambers, one of the deputies, and the other of the senators, was to assemble every two years, and was to possess the right of making war or peace; independent judges were to administer justice in the name of the king; the ministers of the crown were to be responsible, and the person of the king inviolable; the prerogatives of the nobility were to remain untouched; the royal cities were to be endowed with the right of personal liberty for their citizens; the citizens of these cities were to possess the right of electing their magistrates, as well as the right of acquiring titles of nobility, and the estates of nobles; at every diet a number of citizens were to be elevated to the rank of nobles; the cities in which were courts of appeal were to have the privilege of sending a deputy to the diet; the peasantry were to be protected from an aggravation of their hard lot by the laws; and personal liberty was to be possessed by foreign settlers. By the mass of the nation this constitution was received with gratitude and joy; but some of the aristocracy protested against it, and their resistance was encouraged by Russian gold. At first, however, their opposition was fruitless, and everything promised well for the establishment of this new order of things. Russia, it is true, threatened to subvert them; but the Porte, Sweden, and Prussia, with other European powers, looked upon them in a friendly manner. Prussia, indeed, solemnly promised assistance; and in the month of March, 1790, Frederic William even concluded a defensive alliance with Poland. But the friendship of courts is variable, and the favour of monarchs fickle. The King of Prussia had attached himself to the cause of Poland, not from any respect for her rights, but from a spirit of jealousy towards Russia, and in the hopes of obtaining something for himself. He was to have Dantzic and Thorn for his support; and when the republic refused to cede these cities, his ardour on the behalf of the Poles underwent a great change. He grew cool, and when peace was concluded between Russia and the Porte, Frederic William withdrew from the cause of Poland altogether, and even joined with her old and inveterate enemy. When the Russian hordes entered the Polish territory, under the pretext of assisting those aristocrats who protested against the new constitution, he not only refused his promised assistance, but took a menacing attitude. But the Poles were not discouraged by his perfidy. The diet summoned the nation to its defence; and the army fought valiantly, under the command of the celebrated Kosciusko. The enemy, however, proved too strong for Poland. The king was not in heart on the side of the patriots; and Kosciusko himself deserted them and went over to the aristocratic party. The patriots now fled; and the Russians having advanced to within three days march of the capital, compelled the king to save his throne by consenting to the abolition of the new constitution. On the 23rd of July, 1732, an armistice was concluded, and the command of the Polish troops consigned to a Russian general. Vengeance soon followed. On the 29th of October a diet assembled in Grodno, to which diet it was declared, on the part of Russia and Prussia, that a second division of Poland was necessary, and that its members would be called upon to comply with this measure. There was no alternative; for, at this time, Prussian as well as Russian troops had entered Poland, and there was no means of defence against their combined operations. So that whatever Russia and Prussia chose to demand, that they were sure of obtaining; for what, it has been asked, can feeble justice do against exorbitant power? But it was not till the spring of the succeeding year that the diet were called upon to give their consent to this second spoliation of their fatherland.
STATE OF THE PUBLIC MIND IN ENGLAND.
At the commencement of this year, and even as late as the month of August, when it was known that the French monarch was deposed, there appears to have been no disposition on the part of government to take part in the war against France. On the contrary, in pursuance of a recommendation from the throne, the army and navy were reduced; and when our ambassador was ordered to leave Paris, on the virtual extinction of monarchy, he was directed to renew his assurances of British neutrality. But there were many causes at work which, before the year closed, induced the government to exhibit signs of a change of policy. Although the generality of the people were struck with terror at the deposition of the monarch, and the horrid massacres which preceded and followed that event, yet the revolutionary societies in England, grew daily bolder and bolder in their proceedings. Some there were, it is true, who were convinced of their evil tendency, and who, in consequence, gave up all connexion with them; but still they existed in all their original vigour. So enthusiastic were these societies in their admiration of the French revolution, all stained with blood as it was, that they even transmitted addresses of applause to the national convention. The London Corresponding Society, the Manchester Constitutional Society, the Norwich Revolution Society, the Society for Constitutional Information in London, and the London Constitutional Whigs, these all joined in addresses of congratulation on the victory which the French people had gained over their hapless and ill-fated monarch. All these addresses received a warm response from those to whom they were addressed. For once in the annals of history the French hailed Englishmen as brethren; and a hope was expressed that the day would soon arrive when they might join the hands of fraternity. But these addresses and responses contained something more than mere compliments; they breathed destruction to the English constitution. It was evident, indeed, that, unless checked by the popular voice or by government, the revolutionary societies in England would one day produce corresponding fruits to those of France. Happily the nation at large and the government joined in stemming the onward tide of revolutionary principles. Among the first to take the alarm at the political societies and publications, were the established clergy, who sent up addresses from all parts to his majesty, thanking him for his late wise and provident proclamation. Towards the close of the year the alarm became general; and clubs and associations began to be formed with the avowed object of counteracting the baneful influence of those which were founded upon revolutionary principles. These societies came to certain resolutions, and made certain declarations, which they caused to be published both in the newspapers and in the form of pamphlets. One grand end at which they aimed was to expose the fallacy that all men are born equal and must remain so; an argument which the revolutionists had ever on their lips, and which was the very root and life of their factious disposition. Nor did these societies labour in vain. Their spirit spread rapidly throughout the kingdom, and in every county, and almost every town and village resolutions were subscribed, expressive of loyalty and attachment to the king and constitution. It became manifest that though the French had some few thousands of admirers in England, yet the great mass of the people abhorred their proceedings; that, though there were many who wished to bring about a revolution in their own country, yet there were more who were ready to maintain the constitution as it existed, against all its enemies, native or foreign. The public feeling encouraged government, at the close of the year, to assume a hostile appearance towards the French. Alarmed at the circumstances that the national convention held out the hand of fraternity to other countries, and especially to England; that Savoy was now incorporated with France, in contradiction to the formal renunciation of all plans of conquest, that Belgium was declared independent, under the protection of France; that the navigation of the Scheldt was opened, in disregard of all existing relations between European states; and that a decree of the 16th of November ordered the French troops to pursue the Austrians, whom they had recently defeated, into the Dutch territories, the British government placed the country in a state of defence. The militia were called out; the Tower was strengthened; a second royal proclamation was issued; and parliament summoned to meet on the 13th of December.
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
When parliament met, the speech from the throne was full of alarm. All the expressions of the first proclamation were repeated in it; and, towards the conclusion, the king remarked:—“I have carefully observed a strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and have uniformly abstained from interference in the internal affairs of France; but it is impossible to see, without serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing indications which have there appeared, of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard, the rights of neutral nations, and pursue views of conquest and aggrandisement; as well as to adopt towards my allies, the States-general, measures which were neither conformable to the laws of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of existing treaties.” Under all these circumstances, his majesty added, he had thought it right to adopt precautionary measures, and to make some augmentation of his naval and military force.
The address was moved by Sir James Sanderson, lord-mayor of London, who affirmed that seditious practices were prevalent; that various political societies were established in London, which corresponded and confederated with other societies in different parts of the United Kingdom; and that these societies, whose aim was to subvert the constitution and to destroy monarchy, root and branch, were circulating a vast number of pernicious pamphlets and publications among the lower orders of people. A memorable debate arose on the address. Fox, who was yet enchanted with French liberty, condemned every part of the speech and of the address. It was his firm conviction, he said, that every fact asserted in the king’s speech was false; that no insurrection existed; and that the alarm was occasioned by the artful designs and practices of ministers. Fox reprehended the system of intellectual oppression, which induced ministers to represent the tumults and disorders that had taken place, as designed to overthrow the constitution; and that the various societies instituted for discussing questions relative to the constitution, were so many schemes for propagating seditious doctrines. He was aware that he was advancing opinions not likely to become popular; but he was as ready to meet the current of popular opinion, which was running high in favour of the high lay doctrines now existing, as he was, in times past, to meet the opposite torrent, when it was said that he wished to sacrifice the people to the crown. He remarked:—“One extreme naturally leads to another. Those who dread republicanism fly for shelter to the crown; those who desire reform, and are calumniated, are driven by despair to republicanism. And this is the evil I dread. These are the extremes into which these violent agitations hurry the people, to the gradual decrease of that middle order of men, who dread republicanism as much on the one hand, as they do despotism on the other. That middle order of men, who have hitherto preserved to this country all that is dear in life, I am sorry to say, is daily lessening; but while my feeble voice continues, it shall not be totally extinct; there shall be at least one who will, in this ferment of extremes, preserve the centre point.” In adverting to the affairs of France, Fox said that he rejoiced in the triumph of men, fighting for liberty, over the armies of despots. He bitterly condemned the calling out of the militia, and as bitterly condemned ministers for not sending a new ambassador to treat with the present executive government of France. As for England, he did not think that it was in a state to go to war; nor did he think that we should be justified in taking such a step for anything which had occurred in France, or in Belgium, or in Savoy, or anywhere else. In conclusion, Fox praised the English constitution as the best adapted to England, because the people loved it best; and moved an amendment, pledging the house that inquiry should be made into the facts stated in his majesty’s speech. Pitt was not in the house on this occasion; but Fox was effectively answered by one of his own party one who had figured for many years as one of the leaders and most eloquent chiefs of the Whig opposition, and who had been linked in close friendship with the man whom he now opposed. Mr. Windham said that he felt himself constrained to vote on this occasion with those whose measures he had uniformly and conscientiously reprobated. The alarm, he said, which existed in the country, was not, he believed, greater than the existing danger. It was well known that constant communication was maintained between persons in Paris and persons in London; and that the object of this communication was the destruction of our present form of government. These worthy gentlemen, he said, had their agents throughout the country, in order to disseminate their pamphlets; which, as these agents were poor men, was at once a proof that there must be a society somewhere who defrayed the expense. In adverting to France, Windham said, he believed that the motives of the combined armies, that had attempted to march to Paris were good; and he justified their interference by demonstrating that France herself had intermeddled with the affairs of neighbouring countries. The amendment was supported by Mr. Grey, who said that he was no friend to Paine’s doctrines; but he would not be deterred by a name from acknowledging that he considered the rights of man as the foundation of every government, and those who opposed these said rights as traitors against the people. Dundas replied to Grey, and justified the measures which government had adopted. A universal and serious alarm, he said, pervaded the country gentlemen, farmers, and others, and this had rendered some active steps absolutely necessary on the part of government, in order to restore confidence. Dundas remarked, that the national convention had been eager to countenance every complaint of grievance from the factious and discontented in this country; and in proof of it he read some of the addresses which the convention had received with applause from the political societies of England. He asked, “Was not this, on the part of the French, an unjustifiable interference in the internal affairs of another country? And had not the leading members of the convention declared that they would not look to the sovereign, but to the people of Great Britain; that they would appeal from the government to the republicans of England.” He maintained that, under all the circumstances, government were fully justified in all they had done, and would have merited impeachment if they had remained inactive at such a critical juncture. Sheridan, in a flippant manner, endeavoured to show that the alarm was ridiculous, and had been created by ministers for their own selfish and wicked purposes. The republicans said to exist in England, were, he said, men of buckram; and should any French army attempt to invade England, with the idea of effecting any change in our government, every hand and heart in the country would be united to resist them. He condemned a war with France, and asserted that he would vote for the impeachment of that minister who should enter into such a war, for the purpose of re-establishing the old despotism of the Bourbons. The deep earnestness of Burke, who next spoke, contrasted strangely with the flippancy of Sheridan. Burke said that this day was indeed a trial of the constitution. He agreed with an honourable gentleman, in regarding the present as a momentous crisis; but for reasons different from those which he had assigned. Liberty and monarchy, he continued, are connected in this country; they were never found asunder; they have flourished together for a thousand years; and from this union has sprung the prosperity and glory of the nation. With impassioned eloquence Burke affirmed, that there was a faction in this country who wished to submit it to France, that our government might be reformed upon the French system; and that the French rulers, cherishing views on this country encouraged that faction, and were disposed to aid it in overturning our constitution. As a proof of this, Burke read an address, which men, calling themselves Englishmen, presented at the bar of the convention on the very day in which there had been a discussion respecting the union of Savoy with France; and to which address the president, in his reply, remarked:—“That royalty in Europe was in the agonies of death; that the declaration of right, now placed by the side of thrones, was a fire which, in the end, would consume them; and he even hoped that the time was not far distant when France, England, Scotland, Ireland, all Europe! all mankind! would form but one peaceful family.” Burke asked, whether, if Englishmen had applied to Louis XVI. to reform our government, such language would not have been considered as an aggression? Burke declared that the question now was, not whether we should present an address to the throne, but whether there should be a throne at all; and he concluded with recommending unanimity, and representing the danger which might arise from the progress of French armies, if not speedily resisted. Mr. Erskine, who was a member of the Society for Parliamentary Reform, justified that society and himself, and blamed ministers for delaying to prosecute the author of the “Rights of Man” till nearly two years after its publication. Erskine charged Burke with inconsistency; and concluded with recommending the house to meet the complaints of the people, not with abuse, but by removing the grounds of their dissatisfaction; by reforming parliament, and granting them a fair representation. The people, he said, were already taxed to an enormous extent; and should a war be the consequence, when it appeared every precaution had not been taken to prevent it, ministers would incur a heavy responsibility, both to the public and to that house, for having precipitated the nation into so great a calamity. The debate lasted till midnight; and when the house divided there was a majority in favour of the address of two hundred and ninety against fifty.
This large majority snowed that a great portion of the Whigs had parted company with Fox. Nothing daunted, however, at this desertion, he gave notice that to-morrow he would move an amendment upon the report. The object of this amendment was to induce his majesty to open a negociation with France, for the purpose of preventing the calamities of war. In the speech which Fox made in support of it, he threw the whole blame of the horrid scenes which had occurred in France upon the coalition; and he eulogised the spirit and valour of the French republicans in the warmest strains of panegyric, he thanked God, he said, that nature had been true to herself; that tyranny had been defeated; and that those who fought for freedom were triumphant. All the inhabitants of Europe, he said, sympathised with the French and wished them success, regarding them as men struggling with tyranny and despotism. Sheridan seconded this amendment, and Burke opposed it, affirming “that to send an ambassador to France would be a prelude to the murder of our own sovereign.” Fox had said, in the course of his speech, that the republic of this country was readily acknowledged by European courts in the time of Cromwell, after the execution of Charles I.; but Burke shattered this argument, in favour of acknowledging the French republic, at a blow. He remarked: “The French republic is sui generis and bears no analogy to any other republic or system of government that has ever existed in the known world. The English commonwealth did not attempt to turn all the states of Christendom into republics. It did not wage war with kings, merely because they were not democrats; it professed no principles of proselytism. The same might be said, of the republic of the United States of America. But France wanted to make all the world proselytes to her opinions and dogmas: France was for turning every government in the world into a democratic republic. If every government was against her, it was, because she had declared herself hostile to every government. This strange republic may be compared to the system of Mahomet, who, with the Koran in one hand and a sword in the other, compelled men to adopt his creed. The Koran which France held out was the declaration of the Rights of Man and universal fraternity; and with the sword she was determined to propagate her doctrine, and conquer those whom she could not convince.” Burke said that he did not wish to hurry the nation into a war, but only to make the people of England see that France had in reality declared war against them. The national convention had passed a variety of decrees, every one of which might be considered as a declaration of war against every government in Europe; and the people of France had resolved to wage an eternal war against kings, and all kinds of kingly government. Moreover, in contempt of the king and parliament, the convention had received Englishmen at its bar, as the representatives of the people of England. In the absence of Pitt, his colleague, Dundas, entered into a long and elaborate vindication of the measures of administration; concluding with a confident prediction that, “if we were forced into a war, it would prove successful and glorious.” The amendment was rejected without a division.