DECLARATION OF WAR BY THE FRENCH, ETC.
A few days after the above proceedings of parliament, intelligence was received that France had declared war against Great Britain and Ireland. On the 11th of February, indeed, his majesty sent a royal message to the two houses, announcing that the national convention, had, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of his majesty’s subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the positive stipulations of treaty; and that since they had given these directions, they had actually declared war against his majesty and the United Provinces. The message continued—“Under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, his majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honour of his crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people; and his majesty relies with confidence on the firm and effectual support of the house of commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war; and in endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the progress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice. In a cause of such general concern, his majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial cooperation of those powers who are united with his majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe.” This message was taken into consideration on the next day, when Pitt gave a detailed statement of our transactions with France, and of our endeavours to preserve a strict neutrality as long as it was possible. In adverting to those insults which the French supposed they had received from England, and which they stated as grounds for their declaration of war, he said that he found in them nothing but pretexts and allegations too weak to require refutation. These insults were, that the King of England had not ceased, especially since the revolution of the 10th of August, to give proofs of his dislike to the French nation, and of his attachment to the coalition of crowned heads; that the English government had ceased since that period to correspond with the French ambassador at London, on pretext of the suspension of the heretofore King of France: that since the opening of the national convention, the said government had refused to resume the usual correspondence between the two states, and to acknowledge the power of the convention; that it had refused to acknowledge the ambassador of the French republic, although provided with letters of credit in its name, and that the said court had caused to be stopped several boats and ships laden with grain for France, contrary to the treaty of 1786, while exportations to other countries were free. Pitt concluded by moving an address in answer to his majesty’s message, which was seconded by Mr. Powys, who said that under present circumstances war was preferable to peace with France. On the contrary Fox still contended that war with France was both impolitic and unnecessary. If any necessity existed, he said, that necessity arose from the unwise, arrogant, and provoking conduct of ministers. He moved an amendment, promising effectual support to his majesty in repelling every hostile attempt upon this country, and in such other exertions as might be necessary to induce France to consent to such terms of peace as should be consistent with the honour of his majesty’s crown, the security of his allies, and the interests of his people. The conduct of government was defended by Dundas, while Burke, also, showed to demonstration that ministers had not precipitated the nation into this war, but were brought into it by over-ruling necessity. The amendment was negatived, and the address, as moved by Pitt, carried without a division; as was also an address moved by Lord Grenville in the house of lords.
In all these proceedings ministers were encouraged by the voice of the people, for the prevailing opinion was for war. Yet, on the 18th of February, Fox moved a string of resolutions the effect of which was that the two houses should load themselves with reproaches for having voted the addresses which they had just carried up to the throne. These resolutions were, that war with France on the grounds alleged, was neither for the honour nor the interests of this country; that ministers in their late negociations with the French government had not taken the means for procuring an amicable redress of the grievances complained of; and that it was their duty to advise his majesty against entering into engagements which might prevent a separate peace. Fox alleged that his object in making these motions was to pronounce a declaration of the precise grounds upon which gentlemen had voted for the war, for from many circumstances, he was persuaded that the object of ministers in going to war were those which they disclaimed, and that those they avowed were only pretexts. Fox pressed these resolutions to a division, and they were rejected by two hundred and seventy against forty-four: a majority which sensibly marked the feeling of the house. Yet, notwithstanding this decided victory of ministers, Mr. Grey, encouraged by Fox, produced the same string of resolutions three days after in a new form, which, however, were negatived without a division. A motion moved by Mr. M. A. Taylor, on the 22nd of February, against the erection of barracks or inland fortresses in our free country, shared the same fate; as did likewise another, moved by Sheridan, on the 4th of March, to the effect that the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider of the seditious practices, &c., referred to in his majesty’s speech. All the efforts of the opposition to thwart the measures of government were, indeed, futile: the propriety and necessity of war were acknowledged by the great majority of the nation, as well as of the members of parliament. All the old Whigs ranged themselves on the side of government, by which Fox and his party lost much both of moral and numerical strength.
PITT’S FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
On the 11th of March Pitt brought forward his budget for the current year: estimating the expenses at £11,182,213, and that of the ways and means at £8,299,696. He proposed to raise the deficiency by loan, and to defray the interest by rendering permanent some of the temporary taxes imposed on account of the Spanish armament. In his speech Pitt made some remarks which show that he had then no idea of the subsequent enormous increase of the national debt and national taxation. He observed:—“I do not think it useless to suggest some observations with respect to this war in which we are engaged. The excess of the permanent revenue, if kept up, is not less than £900,000 above the peace establishment; which, even if destroyed by war, will leave the country in possession of all its ordinary revenue. This £900,000 I am desirous to leave as a security against those contingencies to which war is liable.” The sum borrowed was £4,500,000, and the terms were that for every seventy-two pounds advanced, the lender should be entitled to one hundred pound stock, bearing interest at three per cent. Pitt said that he expected to have made better terms for the loan, but he had not received two offers for it. Among other resources, the sum of £675,000 was to be raised by lottery, which was warmly opposed, but which, after a debate wherein several regulations were laid down to diminish the practice of insurance, received the consent of the house.
THE TRAITOROUS CORRESPONDENCE BILL.
As it was expedient, after a declaration of war, to prevent all correspondence between British subjects and the French, Sir John Scott, the attorney-general, brought in a bill called the “Traitorous Correspondence Bill,” by which it was declared high-treason to supply the existing government of France with, military stores; to purchase lands of inheritance in France; to invest money in the French funds; to underwrite insurances upon ships and goods bound from France to any part of the world; and to go from this country to France without a license under the privy-seal; it likewise prohibited the return of British subjects from that country to England without giving security. This bill was opposed as inconsistent with the treason laws of Edward III., and several of its obnoxious clauses were modified in the course of its progress. It received several alterations, also, in the lords, which were finally agreed to by the commons, and the bill passed into a law.