The marriage of the Prince of Wales with the Princess Caroline of Brunswick took place on the 8th of April. At the time it was generally supposed that his royal highness was influenced in forming this connexion by the promise of an ample provision to pay his debts, now amounting to the enormous sum of £600,000. Be that as it may, on the 27th of April, his majesty sent a message to the house announcing the marriage; and at the same time expressing deep regret in being obliged to declare, that the benefit of any settlement which might then be made could not be effectually secured to his royal highness, except he were provided with the means of liberating himself from the large encumbrances to which he was liable. At the same time his majesty disclaimed all idea of proposing that parliament should make any specific provision for that object: rather, he requested the house to consider the propriety of providing for the gradual discharge of those encumbrances by the reservation for a time of the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall, as well as of a proportion of his royal highness’s annual income. After some discussion, the house, on the suggestion of Pitt, determined that £125,000, together with the rents of the Duchy of Cornwall, estimated at £13,000, should be settled upon the prince, and that £78,000 should be applied annually out of his total income for the liquidation of his debts. A law was also passed to prevent the heir-apparent in future from being involved in similar difficulties; and a jointure of £50,000 per annum was settled on the Princess of Wales, in case she survived her royal consort. All this was carried by large majorities, but there were few who imagined that this settlement was a final one.
PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
The king prorogued parliament in person on the 27th of June. In his speech his majesty expressed a hope “that the present circumstances of France might, in their effects, hasten the return of such a state of order and regular government, as might be capable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity with other powers.” He also remarked that our main reliance for success must be on our naval and military forces: thereby indicating the continuance of the war.
THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
Allusion has been made to the agitated state of Ireland. That country was, indeed, at this period, every day approaching nearer to the verge of open rebellion.
The progress of the United Irishmen had not been stopped by the conciliatory measures of 1793; for early in the following year they published a plan of equal representation on the principle of universal suffrage. Before the close of that year their association in truth became so manifestly revolutionary that it demanded the interposition of government. A charge of treasonable correspondence with the French rulers was brought against Archibald Hamilton Rowan; but he with others of the association fled to the continent. In the following year the Rev. William Jackson, a Protestant clergyman, was tried and found guilty, and in order to avoid the shame of a public execution he swallowed a dose of poison at the bar of the court. All this tended to prove that Catholic emancipation, however extensive it might be in its principles, would never satisfy the people of Ireland. Nevertheless, Earl Fitzwilliam, the then lord-lieutenant, resolved to try the efficacy of that measure. That nobleman, indeed, imagined that he was authorised to carry such a measure into effect when he accepted the office of viceroy. Acting under this supposition, his first step was to remove from their places such servants of the government as he knew would be hostile to his proceedings. Among those he removed was the right lion. John Beresford, first commissioner of the revenue, whose family had always been ardent supporters of ministerial measures. But this act gave great offence to the English cabinet; and as Earl Fitzwilliam refused to alter his arrangements, it was resolved to recall him. In the meantime Mr. Henry Grattan brought in a bill into the Irish house of commons for the repeal of all the remaining disqualifications of the Roman Catholics. This bill was received so favourably that only three dissentient voices were heard against it: and, encouraged by it, the Catholics sent a deputation to the king deprecating the removal of a viceroy who had gained the confidence of the people. These deputies were graciously received; but the burden of their petition was not granted: Earl Fitzwilliam resigned, and Lord Camden was appointed his successor. Lord Camden commenced his administration under ominous circumstances; for on the 31st of March, when he was sworn into office, the primate and Lord Chancellor Fitzgibbon were attacked by a mob on their return from the Castle, and narrowly escaped with their lives. His unpopularity increased, chiefly because he as strenuously opposed Catholic emancipation as Lord Fitzwilliam had supported it. On the 4th of May a bill was brought in for that purpose, but after a violent debate it was rejected by a large majority. In order, however, to soothe the chafed minds of the people, a motion was carried this session for the establishment of a college at Maynooth for the education of young Irishmen destined for the priesthood, and who were at this time deprived of the advantages of foreign universities from the disordered state of the continent; and the Catholics also obtained permission to study at the university of Dublin. But these indulgences were not duly appreciated. From this time the society of United Irishmen rapidly extended itself over the whole kingdom. They formed, indeed, a new system, combining malcontents of every class and of all religious persuasions against the government. The leaders of the society began, in fact, to entertain dangerous designs, and to form illegal and treasonable connexions with the government of France. Towards the close of the year, disaffection became so general that the existing laws were deemed insufficient to repress popular violences, and the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, by which the agents of government were enabled to imprison obnoxious or suspected persons without any cause assigned, or any time of trial appointed. In the western counties, government resorted to a measure which nothing but stern necessity could justify. By an act which passed in January, the lord-lieutenant and council were authorised, on a petition from seven magistrates of a county assembled at a session of the peace, to proclaim that county, or any section of it, to be in a state of disturbance, and to empower the magistrates to treat all suspected persons as culprits, and in default of bail to send them on board the fleet. This act also, which was called the Insurrection Act, enacted that the administering of treasonable oaths, which was a practice in the society of United Irishmen, was a capital offence; and that in case a witness was murdered, which frequently happened, before a trial, his written testimony should be considered sufficient evidence. While government was thus grappling with the disaffection which prevailed, a body of men united under the name of Orangemen, for the purposes of security. This was natural; but, unfortunately, it only increased the religious animosities which already existed between the two parties. Government, moreover, began to embody an armed yeomanry to assist the regular troops and the militia. In the course of six months this force amounted to 37,000 men, and it was still increasing. But nothing could allay the fury of the storm that was gathering over the country. The leaders of the United Irishmen were as active as government; and in a short time the plan of an invasion was settled between them and the French rulers. This invasion was the subject of familiar conversation both in England and Ireland; yet the British government, either doubting or disregarding the intelligence, neglected to take suitable measures for defence. In the meantime mutual injuries between the society of United Irishmen and the Orangemen, many of whom on both sides were desperate and abandoned characters, engendered a fixed hatred between them; and these dissensions rapidly increased, till the whole country exhibited a scene of terror, consternation, and blood. In their encounters the Orangemen were generally victorious; and in the end, in the county of Armagh, where the Association was first formed, they succeeded in expelling several thousands of Catholics from the county. During the latter part of this year and the commencement of the next, the roads leading from the city of Armagh presented the most heart-rending scenes: groups of miserable families were seen endeavouring to escape from their persecutors into the south and western districts of the country. So strife and tumult prevailed among brethren.