With the present administration, the catholic question was made a subject of paramount importance. It was made a matter of discussion in the cabinet; and although, in consequence of Lord Sidmouth’s aversion to the measure, and some interviews held by Lords Grenville and Howick with his majesty, the subject was for a time abandoned, yet about this time it was partially renewed by a bill for allowing promotion in the army and navy to Roman Catholics, as well as to other dissenters from the protestant establishment. This bill which had received the reluctant acquiescence of his majesty, was read a first time on the 5th of March, and was ordered to be read on the twelfth of the same month. In the meantime the king’s sentiments underwent a material change; his coronation-oath would not, he said, allow him to give his royal assent to such a measure. The bill was postponed from the 12th, in consequence of this communication, to the 18th, during which time ministers sought to remove the king’s scruples. This, however, was a task which they were not able to perform, and they were at length compelled to consent to withdraw the bill altogether.
DISMISSAL OF MINISTERS.
The introduction of the bill described above caused a breach between his majesty and his ministers; a breach which admitted of no reparation. Confidence, indeed, between his majesty and his cabinet had never existed; for the king had accepted his ministers, not by choice, but by necessity. This was well known; and it is easy to believe, as some have represented, that his suspicion of them was increased by the whispers of men who were in search of place and power. Secret advisers, it is said, encouraged his majesty’s scruples on the subject of the catholic question, while on the other hand it is asserted that the cabinet sought to impose the bill on his majesty by unfair means. Be this as it may, it led to their dismissal. On the 24th of March, Lord Grenville received a letter from his majesty, directing him and his colleagues to appear at the Queen’s palace on the morrow, at half-past eleven o’clock, for the purpose of delivering up their seals of office. This mandate was obeyed; and “all the talents” ministry was thus dissolved.
NEW CABINET.
Previous to the dismissal of “all the talents” ministry, the king had been engaging successors. Between the 26th and the 31st of March the following appointments were announced:—the Duke of Portland, first lord of the treasury; Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for the home department; Canning, secretary for foreign affairs; Lord Castlereagh, secretary for war and the colonies; the Earl of Chatham, master of the ordnance; Spencer Perceval, chancellor of the exchequer and under-treasurer of the exchequer; Earl Camden, lord-president of the council; Earl Bathurst, president of the board of trade, with George Rose for his vice; and the Earl of Westmoreland, keeper of the privy-seal. Lord Erskine had been permitted to retain the great seal for a week, in order that he might have time to pronounce his decrees on some chancery-suits which had been argued before him; but on the 1st of April, Lord Eldon was appointed, and sworn in in his stead. On the same day the Duke of Richmond was made lord-lieutenant of Ireland; and on the 3rd of April Lord Mulgrave was named first lord of the admiralty, and the honourable Dundas, president of the board of control. The remaining offices were filled up a few days after; and, among other appointments, George Rose became treasurer of the navy. The late ministry seems to have obtained not only the displeasure of his majesty, but of the country, by their introduction of the catholic question into the cabinet. A loud cry of “No popery!” was indeed heard at this time, and when they were dismissed, the public voice applauded his majesty’s decision. Addresses poured in from all quarters, expressive of approbation, the terms of which may be seen from his majesty’s reply to the address of the corporation of the city of London: “I receive with the greatest satisfaction the assurances you give me of your concurrence in those principles which have governed my conduct on the late important occasion. It has ever been my object to secure to all descriptions of my subjects the benefits of religions toleration; and it affords me particular gratification to reflect, that during my reign these advantages have been more generally and extensively engaged than at any former period; but at the same time I never can forget what is clue to the security of the ecclesiastical establishment of my dominions, connected as it is with our civil constitution and with all those blessings which, by the favour of Providence, have hitherto so eminently distinguished us among the nations of the world.”
TRIAL OF STRENGTH BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES.
On the first meeting of Parliament, after the new appointments, there was a great trial of strength. In the course of negociation with the late ministers, his majesty had been advised to exact a written pledge from them, not only to abandon the catholic question, but never to resume it. His majesty could scarcely have found it necessary to demand of his new ministers such a pledge; yet, on the 9th of April, Mr. Brand moved in the commons, “that it is contrary to the first duties of the confidential servants of the crown to restrain themselves by any pledge, expressed or implied, from offering to the king any advice that the course of circumstances might render necessary for the welfare and security of any part of his majesty’s extensive empire.” As it has been observed, this was a constitutional truism, a principle not to be denied without attacking the constitution itself. As, however, this motion, if carried, would have been followed by other resolutions, implying a want of confidence in men who had given such advice to his majesty, &c., the new cabinet determined to try their strength on Brand’s first motion. It was warmly supported by Mr. Fawkes, Sir Samuel Romilly, and others; and as warmly opposed by Perceval and Canning. The friends of the late administration were sanguine of success; but the Prince of Wales, having declared that the motion was of a nature which must affect the king personally, the prince’s friends, including Sheridan, absented themselves, so that on a division it was rejected by two hundred and fifty-eight against two hundred and twenty-six. A similar motion was made in the lords, by the Marquis of Stafford; but it was there defeated by a large majority, chiefly through the same means and agencies by which it was lost in the commons. Lord Sidmouth on this occasion spoke and voted against his late colleagues. Moreover, a motion made in the commons, by Mr. Littleton, to express regret at the late change of administration, was defeated by a majority of two hundred and forty-four against ninety, so that ministers were triumphant.